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Günter Grass 1927-2015; 臺灣人眼中的君特·格拉斯 啟蒙的冒險:與諾貝爾文學獎得主葛拉斯對談

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1999年諾貝爾文學獎得主,德國小說家Günter Grass逝世,享年87歲。
著名的作品:《鐵皮鼓》、《貓與鼠》和《狗年月》合為「但澤三部曲」,2002年出版最後一本長篇小說《蟹行》,2006年出版三冊的自傳《剝洋蔥》。



Günter Grass, Nobel-winning German novelist, dies aged 87

Author of The Tin Drum and figure of enduring controversy


Günter Grass
 Günter Grass. Photograph: Graeme Robertson/Graeme Robertson


The writer Günter Grass, who broke the silences of the past for a generation of Germans, has died in hospital in Lübeck at the age of 87.
German president Joachim Gauck led the tributes, offering his condolences to the writer’s widow Ute Grass. “Günter Grass moved, enthralled, and made the people of our country think with his literature and his art,” he said in a statement. “His literary work won him recognition early across the world, as witnessed not least by his Nobel prize.”
“His novels, short stories, and his poetry reflect the great hopes and fallacies, the fears and desires of whole generations,” the statement continued.
Tributes began to appear within minutes of the announcement of Grass’ death on Twitter by his publisher, Steidl.
In the UK, Salman Rushdie was one of the first authors to respond, tweeting:


The Turkish Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk had warm personal memories: “Grass learned a lot from Rabelais and Celine and was influential in development of ‘magic realism’ and Marquez. He taught us to base the story on the inventiveness of the writer no matter how cruel, harsh and political the story is,” he said.
He added: “In April 2010 when there was a mushroom cloud over Europe he was in Istanbul and stayed more than he planned. We went to restaurants and drank and drank and talked and talked ... A generous, curious and a very warm friend who also wanted to be a painter at first!”


Grass found success in every artistic form he explored – from poetry to drama and from sculpture to graphic art – but it wasn’t until publication of his first novel, The Tin Drum, in 1959 that he found the international reputation which brought him the Nobel prize for literature40 years later. A speechwriter for the German chancellor Willy Brandt, Grass was never afraid to use the platform his fame afforded, campaigning for peace and the environment and speaking out against German reunification, which he compared to Hitler’s “annexation” of Austria.
Grass was born in the Free City of Danzig – now Gdansk – in 1927, “almost late enough”, as he said, to avoid involvement with the Nazi regime. Conscripted into the army in 1944 at the age of 16, he served as a tank gunner in the Waffen SS,bringing accusations of betrayal, hypocrisy and opportunism when he wrote about it in his 2006 autobiography, Peeling the Onion.
The writer was surprised by the strength of the reaction, arguing that he thought at the time that the SS was merely “an elite unit”, that he had spoken openly about his wartime record in the 1960s, and that he had spent a lifetime “working through” the unquestioning beliefs of his youth in his writing. His war came to an end six months later having “never fired a shot”, when he was wounded in Cottbus and captured in a military hospital by the US army. That he avoided committing war crimes was “not by merit”, he insisted. “If I had been born three or four years earlier I would, surely, have seen myself caught up in those crimes.”
Instead he trained as a stonemason, studied art in Düsseldorf and Berlin, and joined Hans Werner Richter’s Group 47 alongside writers such as Ingeborg Bachmann and Heinrich Böll. After moving to Paris in 1956 he began working on a novel which told the story of Germany in the first half of the 20th century through the life of a boy who refuses to grow.
A sprawling mixture of fantasy, family saga, bildungsroman and political fable,The Tin Drum was attacked by critics, denied the Bremen literature prize by outraged senators, burned in Düsseldorf and became a global bestseller.


Speaking to the Swedish Academy in 1999, Grass explained that the reaction taught him “that books can cause offence, stir up fury, even hatred, that what is undertaken out of love for one’s country can be taken as soiling one’s nest. From then on I have been controversial.”
A steady stream of provocative interventions in debates around social justice, peace and the environment followed, alongside poetry, drama, drawings and novels. In 1977 Grass tackled sexual politics, hunger and the rise of civilisation with a 500-page version of the Grimm brothers’ fairytale The Fisherman and His Wife. The Rat (1986) explored the apocalpyse, as a man dreams of a talking rat who tells him of the end of the human race, while 1995’s Too Far Afield explored reunification through east German eyes – prompting Germany’s foremost literary critic, Marcel Reich-Ranicki, to brand the novel a “complete and utter failure” and to appear on the cover of Der Spiegel ripping a copy in half.
His last novel, 2002’s Crabwalk, dived into the sinking of the German liner Wilhelm Gustloff in 1945, while three volumes of memoir – Peeling the Onion, The Box and Grimms’ Words – boldly ventured into troubled waters.
Germany’s political establishment responded immediately to the news of Grass’s death. The head of the German Green party, Katrin Göring-Eckardt, called Grass a “great author, a critical spirit. A contemporary who had the ambition to put himself against the Zeitgeist.”
“Günter Grass was a contentious intellectual - his literary work remains formidable,” tweeted the head of the opposition Free Democratic party, Christian Lindner.


The foreign minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier was “deeply dismayed” at the news of the author’s death, a tweet from his ministry said.
Steinmeier is a member of the Social Democratic party, which Grass had a fraught relationship with - after campaigning for the party in 1960s and 70s, he became a member in 1982, only to leave ten years later in protest at its asylum policies.
“Günter Grass was a contentious intellectual who interfered. We sometimes miss that today,” SPD chairwoman Andrea Nahles said.

Speaking to the Paris Review in 1991
, Grass made no apology for his abiding focus on Germany’s difficult past. “If I had been a Swedish or a Swiss author I might have played around much more, told a few jokes and all that,” he said. “That hasn’t been possible; given my background, I have had no other choice.”While there were plenty of tributes recognising Grass as one of Germany’s most important post-war writers, social media users swiftly revived many of the controversies of his divisive career, bringing up his membership of the SS and his alleged anti-Semitism.
The controversy flared up again following by publication of his 2012 poem What Must be Said, in which he criticised Israeli policy. Published simultaneously in the Süddeutsche Zeitung, the Italian La Repubblica and Spanish El País, the poem brought an angry response from the Israeli ambassador to Germany, Shimon Stein, who saw in it “a disturbed relationship to his own past, the Jews, and Israel”.
Despite his advanced age, Grass still led an active public life, and was due to appear at a reading in Hamburg in two weeks.
臺灣人眼中的君特·格拉斯

德國作家君特·格拉斯不久前因發表批評以色列的詩作引起爭議。但這位諾貝爾文學獎得主在臺灣的聲譽沒有因此受到動搖。對許多人來說,他仍然是榜樣和老師。

(德國之聲中文網)即便是在格拉斯過85歲生日的時候,對他的批評聲都沒有完全停止。在德國,有關他發表批評以色列的詩作的爭論還遠遠沒有結束。但在世界其他地方,人們對格拉斯是否毀了自己聲譽的問題並不感興趣。在臺北,人們感到興奮和自豪的是格拉斯給他在臺灣的讀者發來的一段視頻。格拉斯說:"女士們先生們,我很高興我的繪畫和雕塑作品在臺灣展出。"一個格拉斯藝術作品展剛剛在國立臺灣文學館開幕。本來格拉斯是想親自前來參加開幕式的,但因為身體原因他最終還是放棄了乘坐12小時飛機的打算。

向格拉斯學歷史

在臺灣,德國文學其實是一個小眾話題。連國立文學館的館長也承認,他自己也並不熟悉格拉斯的作品,因此得抓緊時間在展覽開幕前補補課。不過林劉惠安女士可以提供幫助,她是臺北輔仁大學德語文學教授,也是臺灣受到公認的格拉斯專家。正是她把格拉斯的文學、版畫和雕塑作品介紹到了臺灣。

不過,一個從來沒有聽說過君特·格拉斯這個名字的人,來參觀他的藝術作品展,有意義嗎?"當然有啦",林劉惠安連珠炮般地反駁道,"那麼他不僅可以瞭解格拉斯,還可以瞭解德國歷史、世界歷史。展覽中甚至還有與亞洲歷史有關的內容。"

義和團起義
Buchcover: Günter Grass - Mein Jahrhundert 《我的世紀》德文版封面

君特·格拉斯成了歷史老師。這次展覽的重頭戲是100多幅水彩畫,是格拉斯為自己的小說《我的世紀》創作的插圖。他在這部作品中從不同視角回顧了20世紀的歷史。對臺灣讀者尤其不同尋常的是,其中有一章的故事發生在中國,背景是1900年八國聯軍血腥鎮壓義和團起義的歷史。"書中有一個來自巴伐利亞的士兵",林劉惠安介紹說,"他敍述了自己經歷的這場侵略戰爭,他看到了什麼,隱瞞了什麼,他向自己的未婚妻講述了什麼事,又沒有講述什麼。"

格拉斯的特點是:大聲說出那些別人別人試圖抹去的記憶;揭開這個社會的瘡疤。正是憑著這樣的勇氣,格拉斯在過去數十年在德國、在全世界贏得了尊重。他是一個不招人喜歡的知識份子,一個樂於參與意見表達,包括政治意見表達的作家。臺北歌德學院院長威恩哈德(Markus Wernhard)指出,這是一種西方人的處世哲學,"格拉斯這種主動參與政治,表明立場的態度,在東亞社會不是很典型的。在臺灣也缺少一點這種精神。因此(認識格拉斯)或許是此間作家反思自己的社會責任的一個機會。"

臺灣在清理歷史

林劉惠安說:"或許來參觀展覽的人也能反思一下自己國家的歷史。"她認為像格拉斯這樣一個作家在臺灣也會發現許多值得書寫的議題。臺灣今天雖然是亞洲為數不多的真正意義上的民主國家之一,但仍然沒有完全擺脫持續數十年的獨裁統治的陰影。直到上世紀80年代後期,臺灣才解除了戰時的戒嚴令。直到今天,臺灣社會的裂痕猶在,而對歷史的反思還剛剛開始。與此同時,臺灣的民主受到中國的威脅。林劉惠安說,她定期到德國拜訪格拉斯時,談到過這樣的話題。"他問了我很多關於臺灣,關於中國的問題。他非常好奇,直到今天都是如此。"
格拉斯特展"鼓動的世紀"記者會

有關格拉斯對以色列立場的爭論,林劉惠安在《中國時報》的文藝副刊上發表過介紹文章。她表示,格拉斯在批評面前不退縮的作法一點也不讓她感到意外。"我只能說,格拉斯就是格拉斯。如果你讀過他的書,就知道,他從來不會保持沉默,他有意見就會大聲說出來。這是人們不得不認可的一點。我覺得這是他的一個優點。"

作者:Klaus Bardenhagen 編譯:葉宣

責編:雨涵





台湾人眼中的君特·格拉斯

德国作家君特·格拉斯不久前因发表批评以色列的诗作引起争议。但这位诺贝尔文学奖得主在台湾的声誉没有因此受到动摇。对许多人来说,他仍然是榜样和老师。
(德国之声中文网)即便是在格拉斯过85岁生日的时候,对他的批评声都没有完全停止。在德国,有关他发表批评以色列的诗作的争论还远远没有结束。但在世界 其他地方,人们对格拉斯是否毁了自己声誉的问题并不感兴趣。 在台北,人们感到兴奋和自豪的是格拉斯给他在台湾的读者发来的一段视频。格拉斯说:"女士们先生们,我很高兴我的绘画和雕塑作品在台湾展出。"一个格拉斯 艺术作品展刚刚在国立台湾文学馆开幕。本来格拉斯是想亲自前来参加开幕式的,但因为身体原因他最终还是放弃了乘坐12小时飞机的打算。
向格拉斯学历史
在台湾,德国文学其实是一个小众话题。连国立文学馆的馆长也承认,他自己也并不熟悉格拉斯的作品,因此得抓紧时间在展览开幕前补补课。不过林刘惠安女士可 以提供帮助,她是台北辅仁大学德语文学教授,也是台湾受到公认的格拉斯专家。正是她把格拉斯的文学、版画和雕塑作品介绍到了台湾。
不过,一个从来没有听说过君特·格拉斯这个名字的人,来参观他的艺术作品展,有意义吗?"当然有啦",林刘惠安连珠炮般地反驳道,"那么他不仅可以了解格拉斯,还可以了解德国历史、世界历史。展览中甚至还有与亚洲历史有关的内容。"
义和团起义
Buchcover: Günter Grass - Mein Jahrhundert《我的世纪》德文版封面
君特·格拉斯成了历史老师。这次展览的重头戏是100多幅水彩画,是格拉斯为自己的小说《我的世纪》创作的插图。他在这部作品中从不同视角回顾了 20世纪的历史。对台湾读者尤其不同寻常的是,其中有一章的故事发生在中国,背景是1900年八国联军血腥镇压义和团起义的历史。"书中有一个来自巴伐利 亚的士兵",林刘惠安介绍说,"他叙述了自己经历的这场侵略战争,他看到了什么,隐瞒了什么,他向自己的未婚妻讲述了什么事,又没有讲述什么。"
格拉斯的特点是:大声说出那些别人别人试图抹去的记忆;揭开这个社会的疮疤。正是凭着这样的勇气,格拉斯在过去数十年在德国、在全世界赢得了尊重。他是一 个不招人喜欢的知识分子,一个乐于参与意见表达,包括政治意见表达的作家。台北歌德学院院长维恩哈德(Markus Wernhard)指出,这是一种西方人的处世哲学,"格拉斯这种主动参与政治,表明立场的态度,在东亚社会不是很典型的。在台湾也缺少一点这种精神。因 此(认识格拉斯)或许是此间作家反思自己的社会责任的一个机会。"
台湾在清理历史
林刘惠安说:"或许来参观展览的人也能反思一下自己国家的历史。"她认为像格拉斯这样一个作家在台湾也会发现许多值得书写的议题。台湾今天虽然是亚洲为数 不多的真正意义上的民主国家之一,但仍然没有完全摆脱持续数十年的独裁统治的阴影。直到上世纪80年代后期,台湾才解除了战时的戒严令。直到今天,台湾社 会的裂痕犹在,而对历史的反思还刚刚开始。与此同时,台湾的民主受到中国的威胁。林刘惠安说,她定期到德国拜访格拉斯时,谈到过这样的话题。"他问了我很 多关于台湾,关于中国的问题。他非常好奇,直到今天都是如此。"
格拉斯特展"鼓动的世纪"记者会
有关格拉斯对以色列立场的争论,林刘惠安在《中国时报》的文艺副刊上发表过介绍文章。她表示,格拉斯在批评面前不退缩的作法一点也不让她感到意外。"我只 能说,格拉斯就是格拉斯。如果你读过他的书,就知道,他从来不会保持沉默,他有意见就会大声说出来。这是人们不得不认可的一点。我觉得这是他的一个优 点。"
作者:Klaus Bardenhagen 编译:叶宣
责编:雨涵

2008.12這本書中 葛拉斯 說 要求出版商將各國翻譯者聚會討論是其創舉

(這種作法為 米蘭 昆德拉等大作家所彷效)

對於西班牙流浪漢文體的溯源等相當可參考
讀前十頁

啟蒙的冒險
:與諾貝爾文學獎得主葛拉斯對談 浙江人民出版社 2001



啟蒙的冒險:與諾貝爾文學獎得主葛拉斯對談

啟蒙的冒險:與諾貝爾文學獎得主葛拉斯對談 Vom Abenteuer der Aufclarung


深入剖析諾貝爾文學獎巨匠葛拉斯的作品與思維
  本書是德國不萊梅廣播電臺文學部主管哈羅�齊默爾曼,自1998年6 月至8月對諾貝爾文學獎得主葛拉斯進行的訪談錄。這些訪談沒有導演的事先安排,而是大膽地共同進行一場觀點的遊戲,是一場「啟蒙的冒險」。在坦誠的交談 中,葛拉斯對其作品《錫鼓》、《狗年月》、《局部麻醉》、《蝸牛日記》、《比目魚》、《母鼠》、《遼闊的原野》的寫作背景、創作的過程、敘述手法等等一一 作了介紹。他除了談到他的作品,還談到作為畫家、雕塑家、「公民」及「公開政治化」的葛拉斯。
  一九九九年諾貝爾文學獎得主鈞特�葛拉斯 透過寫作逝去的歷史,引領讀者回憶過去,同時預視未來。葛拉斯以「但澤三部曲」為首的所有小說、詩歌、文集,都在亦真亦幻、似夢非夢、荒誕的描寫中,引導 讀者發現真實,以文學的形式對讀者進行啟蒙。本書是葛拉斯本人對所有重要作品的寫作背景、創作過程、敘述手法的解說,是深入了解葛拉斯的最重要著作。
作者簡介
  鈞特‧葛拉斯(Gu nter Grass)
  德國著名文學作家、畫家、雕塑家。1927年生於但澤,1999年獲頒諾貝爾文學獎,其小說深受十七世紀流浪漢小說(La Novela picarsca)的影響。
   葛拉斯的主要作品有「但澤三部曲」:《錫鼓》(1959)、《貓與鼠》(1961)、《狗年月》(1963)。繼「但澤三部曲」之後,他幾乎每十年便有 一部大作品問世:《比目魚》(1977)、《母鼠》(1986)、《遼闊的原野》(1995)。在世紀之交,葛拉斯又推出新作《我的世紀》(1999)。
  哈羅‧齊默爾曼(Harro Zimmermann)
  德國著名記者。1949年生於德爾曼荷斯特,曾在基爾與哥廷根學習日爾曼文學、哲學、政治學與教育學。自1988年起主管不萊梅廣播電臺文學部。

Outlaw economics... Robin Hood Films

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In a world of inequality the egalitarian thief is an attractive character. From England’s Robin Hood to America’s Jesse James, many countries lionise brave outlaws who take from the rich and give to poor. Yet policies to shift income from rich to poor may prove less effective than imagined. And politicians betting on their Robin Hood credentials should be wary of greying voters. They may be more inclined to back the Sheriff of Nottingham http://econ.st/1IQlQdX

IN A world of inequality the egalitarian thief is an attractive character. From England’s Robin Hood to America’s Jesse James and Mexico’s Pancho Villa many...
ECON.ST



與川瀨先生討論時找到的部分資料

The Adventures of Robin Hood

1938 US Theatrical Poster
Directed byMichael Curtiz
William Keighley
Produced byHal B. Wallis
Henry Blanke
Written byNorman Reilly Raine
Seton I. Miller
StarringErrol Flynn
Olivia de Havilland
Basil Rathbone
Claude Rains
Music byErich Wolfgang Korngold
CinematographyTony Gaudio
Sol Polito
Editing byRalph Dawson
Distributed byWarner Bros.
Release date(s)May 14, 1938
Running time102 minutes
CountryUnited States
LanguageEnglish
Budget$2.033 million[1]
Box office$3.981 million[1]
The Adventures of Robin Hood is a 1938 American swashbuckler film directed by Michael Curtiz and William Keighley. Filmed in Technicolor, the picture stars Errol Flynn, Olivia de Havilland, Basil Rathbone, and Claude Rains.


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Adventures_of_Robin_Hood_%28film%29

Classic Hollywood: 100 years of Robin Hood movies

The new Ridley Scott/Russell Crowe version joins film variations starring everyone from Errol Flynn and Sean Connery to Frank Sinatra and Bugs Bunny.

May 12, 2010|By Susan King, Los Angeles Times
 The legend of Robin Hood is firmly entrenched in British folklore — an archer and swordsman who, with his band of merry men, robbed from the rich and gave to the poor during the early 12th century in Nottinghamshire's Sherwood Forest. Originally portrayed as a commoner, Robin's image changed so that he was later thought of as a nobleman who lost his lands and was cast out as an outlaw.


FOR THE RECORD:
Classic Hollywood: The Classic Hollywood column in Wednesday's Calendar section said that Richard Harris played the sheriff of Nottingham in the 1976 film "Robin and Marian." Harris played King Richard; Robert Shaw portrayed the sheriff. —


FOR THE RECORD:
Classic Hollywood: The Classic Hollywood column in the May 12 Calendar section about 100 years of Robin Hood movies listed several film under the subheadline "Lest not we forget....." It should have said, "Lest we forget."—

The earliest surviving ballads telling his story are dated to the 15th century or early 16th century. And, of course, Robin Hood has long been a cinematic favorite, dating back to 1909's silent "Robin Hood and His Merry Men." With Russell Crowe playing the hero in Ridley Scott's new version of the adventure, "Robin Hood," opening Friday, we take a look at a few of the actors who would be Robin.
The winner and still champion
Errol Flynn
James Cagney was originally cast to play Robin for Warner Bros., but after he left the studio due to a contract dispute in 1935, the production was halted for three years. By 1938, Errol Flynn was the studio's go-to swashbuckling hero thanks to his roles in "Captain Blood" and "Charge of the Light Brigade." And he achieved superstar status with "The Adventures of Robin Hood," one of Warner Bros.' first films in Technicolor.
Dripping with sexuality, good humor, panache and swagger, Flynn's Robin of Locksley captures not only the derring-do of the character, but also the more dramatic side of his fight for injustice, uttering such delectable lines as "Men, if you are willing to fight for our people, I want you!" and "It's injustice I hate, not the Normans."
"The Adventures of Robin Hood" has the distinction of being the only movie about the legend nominated for the best film Oscar.
Silence is golden
Douglas Fairbanks
The athletic silent film superstar was in his element in the lavish 1922 epic "Robin Hood," directed by Allan Dwan, that was one of the most expensive films of the 1920s. Though Fairbanks wasn't the greatest actor of his time, he had charisma, an amazing smile and was able to leap, well, flowing rivers with a single bound.
In this version, he plays the dashing earl of Huntington, who goes with Richard the Lionhearted to fight in the Crusades only to return to Nottingham, where he learns that the vile John has usurped the throne and that Maid Marian is — gasp! — dead.
The underrated Robin
Richard Todd
When one thinks of Disney's Robin flicks, the 1973 animated musical "Robin Hood," in which the hero is a sly fox, immediately comes to mind. But in the early 1950s, Disney made several films in England including 1952's solid Technicolor adventure, "The Story of Robin Hood and His Merrie Men." And in this outing, Robin is played by the very capable Irish-born actor Richard Todd. Todd's Robin had heart, soul and knew his way around a bow and arrow.
What were they thinking?
Kevin Costner
The Oscar-winning actor-director was at the peak of his popularity when he starred in 1991's "Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves." But what a big, big mistake to cast an all-American, boy-next-door Jimmy Stewart/Gary Cooper-type as the veddy British Robin of Locksley (one review said Costner was more Sherman Oaks than Sherwood Forest). But movie audiences 19 years ago didn't seem to care and the film was one of the year's biggest blockbusters.


The lion in winter
Sean Connery
Though he was a few months younger than 46-year-old Russell Crowe when he played the venerable Robin in 1976's romantic drama "Robin and Marian," Connery imbued his Robin with a world-weariness and maturity far beyond those years. His bittersweet Robin returns to England after a 20-year absence to reunite with Marian ( Audrey Hepburn), now a nun, and battle the vile sheriff of Nottingham (Richard Harris). Hepburn, who came out of retirement for this film, and Connery are beautifully matched as a couple.
The ring-a-ding Robin
Frank Sinatra
The Chairman of the Board has a swingin' time in the 1964 musical comedy "Robin and the 7 Hoods," which transplants the hero out of the hood of Nottingham into 1930s Chicago. Ol' Blue Eyes plays a gangster named Robbo who gets involved in a gangland war after his friend and boss of the underworld ( Edward G. Robinson) is knocked off by a rival gang. And his merry men are Rat Pack cronies, Dino and Sammy. Sinatra also is in fine voice singing the Oscar-nominated hit "My Kind of Town."
Lest not we forget…
Richard Greene in the 1955-60 TV series "The Adventures of Robin Hood"; the 1960 film "The Sword of Sherwood Forest"
Cary Elwes in Mel Brooks' 1993 comedy "Robin Hood: Men in Tights"
Mark Davis in 1996's "Robin Hood: Thief of Wives"
Mr. Magoo in the 1964 animated "Mr. Magoo in Sherwood Forest"
Daffy Duck in 1956's "Robin Hood Daffy"
Bugs Bunny in 1949's "Rabbit Hood"
susan.king@latimes.com

Paris Review - The Art of Fiction No. 124, Günter Grass

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(德國之聲中文網)德國的納粹過去這一主題伴隨著作家君特·格拉斯(Günter Grass)的一生。在他1959年的小說處女作《鐵皮鼓》(Die Blechtrommel)中,君特·格拉斯成為最早提出德國人對納粹罪責問題的人之一。 “人們曾裝作似乎是某個幽靈來誤導了可憐的德國民眾。而我從年輕時的觀察得知,並非如此。一切都發生在光天化日之下。” 君特·格拉斯出生於1927年,從戰俘營返鄉後,格拉斯先是作石刻學徒,後入大學學習藝術。50年代中期他也以作家的身份露面。 在巴黎生活的三年裡,格拉斯的手稿《鐵皮鼓》誕生。不單是其有關罪責的主題,還有其奇异怪誕的語言在50年代末都令人震驚。格拉斯成為德國文學界不容忽視的人物。 50年代中期起,格拉斯也成為頗具影響力的作家團體“47社”(Gruppe 47)的一員。他參與社會:無論是現實政治還是對納粹過去的反省,格拉斯都成為聯邦德國的道德典範。
1999年,格拉斯到達榮譽的頂峰:他因其生平成就贏得諾貝爾獎。 2006年,格拉斯在一部自傳作品中透露,自己過去不單是德國士兵,而且在1944年後也是黨衛軍成員。對於他這麼晚才公開這一信息的指責,格拉斯予以接受。 格拉斯不畏懼發出挑釁,直到老年仍是如此。2012年4月,他發表了一則對以色列持質疑態度的詩作,受到強烈的批評。 君特·格拉斯一生打破禁忌。他的逝世令德國失去了一位鬥士和最有影響力的聲音之一。他將作為一位不屈服的作家留在人們的記憶中:他的積極參與、反抗精神以及自身的爭議都對當今德國產生了影響。
“I have always felt we speak too much about human beings. This world is crowded with humans, but also with animals, birds, fish, and insects. They were here before we were and they will still be here should the day come when there are no more human beings.”
Günter Grass (1927–2015), The Art of Fiction no. 124, interviewed by Elizabeth Gaffney in “The Paris Review” no. 119 (Summer 1991).



Günter Grass (1927–2015)
THEPARISREVIEW.ORG


Günter Grass has achieved a very rare thing in contemporary arts and letters, earning both critical respect and commercial success in every genre and artistic medium he has taken up. A novelist, poet, essayist, dramatist, sculptor and graphic artist, Grass appeared on the international literary scene with the publication of his first novel, the 1958 best-seller The Tin Drum. It and his subsequent works—the novella Cat and Mouse (1961) and the novel Dog Years (1963)—are popularly known as the Danzig trilogy. His many other books include From the Diary of a Snail (1972), The Flounder (1977). The Meeting at Telgte (1979), Headbirths, or The Germans are Dying Out (1980), The Rat (1986), and Show Your Tongue(1989). Grass always designs his own book jackets, and his books often contain illustrations by the author. He has been the recipient of numerous literary prizes and medals, including the 1965 Georg Büchner Prize and the Carl von Ossietzky Medal (1977), and is a foreign honorary member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
Grass was born in 1927 on the Baltic coast, in a suburb of the Free City of Danzig, now Gdansk, Poland. His parents were grocers. During World War II he served in the German Army as a tank gunner, and was wounded and captured by American forces in 1945. After his release, he worked in a chalk mine and then studied art in Düsseldorf and Berlin. He married his first wife, the Swiss ballet dancer Anna Schwarz, in 1954. From 1955 to 1967, he participated in the meetings of Group 47, an informal but influential association of German writers and critics, so called because it first met in September of 1947. Its members, including Heinrich Böll, Uwe Johnson, Ilse Aichinger, and Grass, were organized around their common mission to develop and use a literary language that stood in radical opposition to the complex and ornate prose style characteristic of Nazi-era propaganda. They last met in 1967.
Living on a small stipend from the publishing house Luchterhand, Grass and his family spent the years 1956 to 1959 in Paris, where he wrote The Tin Drum. In 1958 he won the annual prize of Group 47 for his readings from the work in progress. The novel shocked and astounded German critics and readers, confronting them for the first time with a harsh depiction of the German bourgeoisie during the Second World War. Grass’s 1979 volume, The Meeting at Telgte, is a fictitious account of a meeting of German poets in 1647 at the close of the Thirty Years’ War. The purpose of the fictional gathering, as well as the book’s cast of characters, parallels that of the post–World War II Group 47.
In Germany, Grass has long been as well known for his controversial politics as he is for his celebrated novels. He was Willy Brandt’s chief speechwriter for ten years and is a longtime supporter of the Social Democratic Party. Lately, he has been one of the few German intellectuals to protest publicly the swift course German reunification has taken. In 1990 alone, Grass published two volumes of lectures, speeches, and debates on the subject.
When he is not traveling, he divides his time between his estate in Schleswig-Holstein where he lives with his second wife Ute Grunert and the house in the Schöneberg section of Berlin where his four children were raised and where his assistant Eva Hönisch now manages his affairs. This interview was conducted in two sessions, one before an audience at the 92nd Street YMWHA in Manhattan and one last fall at the yellow house on Niedstraβe, when Grass had found a few hours’ time during a brief stopover. He spoke in small gable-windowed study with white walls and wooden floors. The far corner was piled high with boxes of books and manuscripts. Grass was dressed comfortably, in a tweed jacket and button-down shirt. He had originally agreed to do an interview in English, thereby circumventing the complications of subsequent translation, but when reminded of this squinted his eyes and smiled, announcing, “I am much too tired! We will speak German.” Despite his professed travel-weariness, he spoke with energy and enthusiasm about his work, often laughing quietly. The interview ended when his twin sons Raoul and Franz arrived to pick their father up for a dinner to celebrate their birthday.

INTERVIEWER
How did you become a writer?
GÜNTER GRASS
I think it had something to do with the social situation in which I grew up. Ours was a lower-middle-class family; we had a small, two-room apartment. My sister and I did not have our own rooms, or even a place to ourselves. In the living room, beyond the two windows, was a little corner where my books were kept, and other things—my watercolors and so on. Often I had to imagine the things I needed. I learned very early to read amidst noise. And so I started writing and drawing at an early age. Another result is that I now collect rooms. I have a study in four different places. I’m afraid to return again to the situation of my youth, with only a corner in one small room. 
INTERVIEWER
What made you turn to reading and writing in this situation, rather than, say, to sports or some other distraction? 
GRASS
As a child I was a great liar. Fortunately my mother liked my lies. I promised her marvelous things. When I was ten years old she called me Peer Gynt. Peer Gynt, she said, here you are telling me marvelous stories about journeys we will make to Naples and so on . . . I started to write down my lies very early. And I continue to do so! I started a novel when I was twelve years old. It was about the Kashubians, who turned up many years later in The Tin Drum, where Oskar’s grandmother, Anna, (like my own) is Kashubian. But I made a mistake in writing my first novel: all the characters I had introduced were dead at the end of the first chapter. I couldn’t go on! This was my first lesson in writing: be careful with your characters.
INTERVIEWER
What lies have given you the greatest pleasure?
GRASS
Lies that do not hurt, which are different from lies that protect oneself or hurt another person. That is not my business. But the truth is mostly very boring, and you can help it along with lies. There is no harm in that. I have learned that all my terrible lies really have no effect on what is out there. If, several years ago, I had written something that predicted the recent political developments in Germany, people would have said, What a liar!
INTERVIEWER
What was your next effort after the failed novel?
GRASS
My first book was a book of poetry and drawings. Invariably the first drafts of my poems combine drawings and verse, sometimes taking off from an image, sometimes from words. Then, when I was twenty-five years old and could afford to buy a typewriter, I preferred to type with my two-finger system. The first version ofThe Tin Drum was done just with the typewriter. Now I’m getting older and though I hear that many of my colleagues are writing with computers, I’ve gone back to writing the first draft by hand! The first version of The Rat is in a large book of unlined paper, which I got from my printer. When one of my books is about to be published I always ask for one blind copy with blank pages to use for the next manuscript. So, these days the first version is written by hand with drawings and then the second and the third are done on a typewriter. I have never finished a book without writing three versions. Usually there are four with many corrections.
INTERVIEWER
Does each version begin at alpha and proceed to omega?
GRASS
No. I write the first draft quickly. If there’s a hole, there’s a hole. The second version is generally very long, detailed, and complete. There are no more holes, but it’s a bit dry. In the third draft I try to regain the spontaneity of the first, and to retain what is essential from the second. This is very difficult.
INTERVIEWER
What is your daily schedule when you work?
GRASS
When I’m working on the first version, I write between five and seven pages a day. For the third version, three pages a day. It’s very slow.
INTERVIEWER
You do this in the morning or in the afternoon or at night? 
GRASS
Never, never at night. I don’t believe in writing at night because it comes too easily. When I read it in the morning it’s not good. I need daylight to begin. Between nine and ten o’clock I have a long breakfast with reading and music. After breakfast I work, and then take a break for coffee in the afternoon. I start again and finish at seven o’clock in the evening. 
INTERVIEWER
How do you know when a book is finished?
GRASS
When I am working on an epic-length book, the writing process is fairly long. It takes from four to five years to get through all the drafts. The book is done when I am exhausted.
INTERVIEWER
Brecht was compelled to rewrite his works all the time. Even after they were published, he never considered them finished.
GRASS
I don’t think I could do that. I can only write a book like The Tin Drum orFrom the Diary of a Snail at a special period of my life. The books came about because of how I felt and thought at the time. I’m sure that if I were to sit down and rewrite The Tin Drum or Dog Years or From the Diary of a Snail I would destroy it. 
INTERVIEWER
How do you distinguish your nonfiction from your fiction?
GRASS
This “fiction versus nonfiction” business is nonsense. It may be useful to booksellers to classify books by genre, but I don’t like having my books categorized that way. I’ve always imagined some committee of booksellers holding meetings to decide which books should be called fiction and which nonfiction. I say what the booksellers are doing is fiction. 
INTERVIEWER
Well, when you write essays or speeches is the method, the technique different from what you use when you tell stories and make things up?
GRASS
Yes, it’s different because I am confronted with facts I cannot change. It’s not very often that I keep a diary, but I did in preparation for From the Diary of a Snail. I had the feeling that 1969 would be an important year, that it would bring about real political change beyond just ushering in a new government. So while I was on the road campaigning from March to September of 1969—a long time—I kept a diary. The same happened to me in Calcutta. The diary I kept then developed intoShow Your Tongue.
INTERVIEWER
How do you juggle your political activism with your visual art and your writing?
GRASS
Writers are involved not only with their inner, intellectual lives, but also with the process of daily life. For me, writing, drawing, and political activism are three separate pursuits; each has its own intensity. I happen to be especially attuned to and engaged with the society in which I live. Both my writing and my drawing are invariably mixed up with politics, whether I want them to be or not. I don’t actually set out with a plan to bring politics into something I’m writing. It’s much more that with the third or fourth time I scratch away at a subject, I discover things that have been neglected by history. While I would never write a story that was simply and specifically about some political reality, I see no reason to omit politics, which has such a great, determining power over our lives. It seeps into every aspect of life in one way or another.
INTERVIEWER
You incorporate so many different genres into your work—history, recipes, lyrics . . .
GRASS
. . . and drawings, poems, dialogue, quotations, speeches, letters! You see, when dealing with epic concepts I find it necessary to use every aspect of language available and the most diverse forms of linguistic communication. Remember though, that some of my books are very pure in form—the novella Cat and Mouse and The Meeting at Telgte.
INTERVIEWER
Your interlocking of words and drawing is unique.
GRASS
Drawing and writing are the primary components of my work, but not the only ones; I also sculpt when I have the time. For me, there is a very clear give-and-take relationship between art and writing. Sometimes this relationship is stronger, other times weaker. In the last few years it has been very strong. Show Your Tongue, which takes place in Calcutta, is an example of this. I could never have brought that book into existence without drawing. The incredible poverty in Calcutta constantly draws the visitor into situations where language is stifled—you cannot find words. Drawing helped me to find words again while I was there.
INTERVIEWER
In that book, the text of the poems appears not only in print, but also in handwriting superimposed on the drawings. Are the words to be considered a graphic element and a part of the drawings?
GRASS
Some elements of the poems were formulated or suggested by the drawings. When words finally came to me, I began to write on top of what I had drawn—text and drawing superimposed on one another. If you can make out the words in the drawings, that’s fine; they are there to be read. But the drawings generally contain early drafts, what I first wrote by hand before sitting myself down at the typewriter. It was very difficult to write this book, and I’m not sure why. Perhaps it was the subject, Calcutta. I have been there twice. The first time was eleven years before I began Show Your Tongue. It was my first time in India. I spent only a few days in Calcutta. I was shocked. There was, from the beginning, the wish to come back, to stay longer, to see more, to write things down. I went on other voyages—in Asia, Africa—but whenever I saw the slums of Hong Kong or Manila or Jakarta, I was reminded of the situation in Calcutta. There is no other place I know where the problems of the first world are so openly mixed up with those of the third, out in the in daylight.
So I went to Calcutta again, and I lost my ability to use language. I couldn’t write a word. At this point the drawing became important. It was another way of trying to capture the reality of Calcutta. With the help of the drawings I was finally able to write prose again—that is the first section of the book, a kind of essay. After that I began work on the third section, a long poem of twelve parts. It is a city poem, about Calcutta. If you look at the prose, drawings and poem together, you see that they deal with Calcutta in related but separate ways. There is a dialogue among them, although the textures of the three are very different. 
INTERVIEWER
Is any one of these textures more important than the others?
GRASS
I can answer, only for myself, that poetry is the most important thing. The birth of a novel begins with a poem. I will not say it is ultimately more important, but I can’t do without it. I need it as a starting point.
INTERVIEWER
A more dignified art form, perhaps, than the others?
GRASS
No, no, no! Prose, poetry, and drawings stand side by side in a very democratic way in my work.
INTERVIEWER
Is there something physical, sensual about the act of drawing that is absent from the process of writing?
GRASS
Yes. Writing is a genuinely laborious and abstract process. When it is fun, the pleasure is wholly different from the pleasure of drawing. With drawing, I am acutely aware of creating something on a sheet of paper. It is a sensual act, which you cannot say about the act of writing. In fact, I often turn to drawing to recover from the writing.
INTERVIEWER
Writing is so unpleasant and painful?
GRASS
It’s a bit like sculpting. With sculpture, you have to work from every side. If you change something here, you have to change something there. Suddenly you change one plane . . . and the sculpture becomes something! There is some music in it. The same can happen with a piece of writing. I can work for days on the first or second or third draft, or on a long sentence, or just one period. I like periods, as you know. I work and I work and it’s all right. Everything’s in there, but there’s something heavy about it. Then I make a few changes, which I don’t think are very important, and it works! This is what I understand happiness to be, something like happiness. It lasts for two or three seconds. Then I look ahead to the next period, and it’s gone.
INTERVIEWER
To return to poetry for a moment, do poems that you write as parts of novels differ in some way from autonomous ones?
GRASS
At one time I was very old fashioned about writing poetry. I thought that when you have enough good poems, you should go out and look for a publisher, do some drawings and print a book. Then you’d have this marvelous volume of poetry, quite isolated, only for lovers of poetry. Then beginning with From the Diary of a Snail, I began to put poetry and prose together on the pages of my books. This poetry has a different tone. I don’t see any reason to isolate poetry from prose, especially when we have in the German literary tradition such a wonderful mixture of the two genres. I have become increasingly interested in putting poetry between the chapters and using it to define the texture of the prose. Besides, there’s the chance that prose readers who have the feeling that “poetry is too heavy for me” will see how much simpler and easier poetry can sometimes be than prose. 
INTERVIEWER
How much do English-speaking readers lose by reading your books in English?
GRASS
That’s very difficult for me answer—I am not an English reader. But I do try to help out with the translations. When I went over the manuscript of The Flounderwith my German publisher, I asked for a new contract. It stipulates that once I have finished a manuscript and my translators have studied it, my publisher organizes and pays for a meeting for all of us. We did it first with The Flounder, then with The Meeting at Telgte, and with The Rat too. I think it is a great help. The translators know everything about my books and ask marvelous questions. They know the books even better than I do. This can sometimes be unpleasant for me, because they also find the flaws in the books and tell me about them. The French, Italian, and Spanish translators compare notes at these meetings and have found that their collaboration helps all of them bring the books into their own languages. I certainly prefer translations that I can read without being aware that I am reading a translation. In the German language we are lucky to have marvelous translations from Russian literature. The Tolstoy and the Dostoyevsky translations are perfect—they’re really part of German literature. The Shakespeare translations and those of the romantic authors are full of mistakes, but they too are marvelous. Newer translations of those works have fewer mistakes, perhaps none, but can’t be compared to the Friedrich von Schlegel–Ludwig Tieck translations. A literary book, whether it is poetry or a novel, needs a translator who is able to recreate the book within his own language. I try to encourage my translators to do this.
INTERVIEWER
Do you think your novel Die Rättin suffered somehow in English because the title had to be The Rat and therefore did not convey that it is a female rat? “The She-Rat” would not have sounded right to American ears and “Rattessa” is out of the question. The reference to a specifically female rat seems so fascinating, whereas the genderless English word rat conjures up everyday images of those ugly beasts that infest the subways.
GRASS
We did not have this word in the German language either. I created it. I always try to encourage my translators to invent. I tell them, If this word doesn’t exist in your language, create it. Actually, for me it has a nice sound, she-rat.
INTERVIEWER
Why is the rat in the book a female rat? Is that for erotic or feminist or political reasons? 
GRASS
In The Flounder it’s a male. But as I get older I see that I’ve really given myself over to women. I will not change that. Whether it’s a human woman or a rat—a she-rat—it doesn’t matter. I get ideas, you see? They make me jump and dance, and then I find words and stories, and I begin to lie. It’s very important to lie. It makes no sense for me to lie to a man—to sit with a man, together, telling lies—but with a woman! 
INTERVIEWER
So many of your books, like The Rat, The Flounder, From the Diary of a Snail,or Dog Years, center on an animal. Is there some special reason for that?
GRASS
Perhaps. I have always felt we speak too much about human beings. This world is crowded with humans, but also with animals, birds, fish, and insects. They were here before we were and they will still be here should the day come when there are no more human beings. There is one difference between us: in our museums we have the bones of the dinosaurs, enormous animals that lived for many millions of years. And when they died, they died in a very clean way. No poison at all. Their bones are very clean. We can see them. This will not happen with human beings. When we die there will be a terrible breath of poison. We must learn that we are not alone on the earth. The Bible teaches a bad lesson when it says that man has dominion over the fish, the fowl, the cattle, and every creeping thing. We have tried to conquer the earth, with poor results. 
INTERVIEWER
Have you ever learned from criticism?
GRASS
Although I like to think I am a good pupil, critics are not usually very good teachers. Yet there was one period, which I sometimes miss, when I learned from critics. It was the period of Group 47. We read aloud from manuscripts and discussed them. That’s where I learned to discuss a text and give reasons for my opinions, rather than just saying, “I like that.” The critique came spontaneously. The authors would discuss craft, how to write a book, that sort of thing. As for the critics, they had their own expectations as to how an author should write. This mixture of critics and authors was altogether a good experience for me, and a lesson. In fact, that period was important for postwar German literature in general. There was so much confusion after the war, especially in literary circles, because the generation that grew up during the war—my generation—was either uneducated or miseducated. The language was tainted. The significant authors had emigrated. No one expected anything of German literature. The annual meetings of Group 47 provided a context for us from which German literature could re-emerge. Many German authors of my generation were marked by Group 47, although some don’t admit it.
INTERVIEWER
What about criticism published, say, in magazines or newspapers or books? Did that ever affect you? 
GRASS
No. But I learned from other authors. Alfred Döblin had such an effect on me that I wrote an essay on him entitled “On My Teacher Döblin.” You can learn from Döblin without the risk of imitating him. For me, he was much more important than Thomas Mann. Döblin’s novels are not as symmetrical, not as classically formed as Mann’s, and the risks he took were greater. His books are rich, open, full of ideas. I’m sorry that in both America and Germany he is known almost exclusively for Berlin Alexanderplatz. But I am still learning, and there are many others who have taught me. 
INTERVIEWER
What about American authors?
GRASS
Melville has always been my favorite. And I’ve very much enjoyed reading William Faulkner, Thomas Wolfe, and John Dos Passos. There is no one like Dos Passos—with his marvelous depictions of the masses—writing in America now. I miss the epic dimension that once existed in American literature; it has become over-intellectualized. 
INTERVIEWER
What do you think of the movie version of The Tin Drum?
GRASS
Schlöndorff made a good film, even though he didn’t follow the literary form of the book. Perhaps that was necessary, because the point of view of Oskar—who tells his story by constantly jumping from one time period to another—would make a very complicated film. Schlöndorff did something very simple. He just tells the story on one line. There are, of course, whole sections that Schlöndorff cut from the movie version. I miss some of those. And there are aspects of the film I don’t like much at all. The short scenes in the Catholic church don’t quite work because Schlöndorff doesn’t understand anything about Catholicism. He is really a German Protestant, and the Catholic church in the movie looks like a Protestant church that happens to have a confessional in it. But this is one small detail. Altogether, and with the help of the young boy who played Oskar, I think it’s a good film.
INTERVIEWER
You have a special interest in the grotesque—I am thinking especially of the famous scene with the eels squirming out of the horse’s head in The Tin Drum. Where does that come from? 
GRASS
That comes from me. I have never understood why this passage, which is six pages long, is so disturbing. It is a piece of fantastical reality, which I wrote just the same way I go about writing any other detail. But the death and sexuality that are evoked by that image have generated an enormous disgust in people.
INTERVIEWER
What impact has the reunification of Germany had on German cultural life?
GRASS
Nobody listened to the German artists and writers that spoke out against it. Unfortunately the majority of intellectuals did not enter into the discussion, whether for reasons of laziness or apathy I don’t know. Early on, the former chancellor, Willy Brandt, pronounced that the train to German unity had left the station and no one could stop it. An unreflective mass enthusiasm took over. That idiotic metaphor was taken as the truth; it ensured that no one thought about how badly this would damage East German culture, not to mention their economy. No, I do not wish to ride a train that cannot be steered and does not respond to warning signals. I have remained standing on the platform.
INTERVIEWER
How do you react to the sharp criticism you have endured from the German press for your views on reunification? 
GRASS
Oh, I am used to that! It doesn’t affect my position. Reunification has been carried out in a manner that violates our basic law. A new constitution should have been drafted when the divided German states came together again—a constitution appropriate to the problems of a united Germany. We did not get a new constitution. What happened instead was that all the East German states were annexed to West Germany. This was done using a sort of a loophole, an article of the constitution that was intended to enable individual German states to become part of West Germany. It also grants the right of West German citizenship to ethnic Germans, such as defectors from the East. It’s a real problem because not everything about East Germany was corrupt, just the government. And now everything East German—including their schools, their art, their culture—is going to be tossed out or suppressed. It has been stigmatized; that entire part of German culture will vanish. 
INTERVIEWER
German unification is the kind of historical event that you frequently take up in your books. When you write about such situations, do you attempt to give a “true” historical narrative? How do fictional histories like yours complement the history we read in textbooks and newspapers?
GRASS
History is more than the news. I have concerned myself particularly with the progression of historical events in two books, The Meeting at Telgte and The Flounder. In The Flounder, it’s the story of the historical development of human nourishment. There’s not a great deal of material on that subject—we usually call only those things history that have to do with war, peace, political oppression, or party politics. The process of nourishment and human nutrition is a central question, especially important now, when starvation and the population explosion go hand in hand in the third world. Anyway, I had to invent the documentation for this history, and decided upon using a fairy tale as the guiding metaphor. Fairy tales generally speak the truth, encapsulating the essence of our experiences, dreams, wishes, and our sense of being lost in the world. In this way they are truer than many facts. 
INTERVIEWER
What about your characters?
GRASS
Literary characters, and especially the protagonist who must carry a book, are combinations of many different people, ideas, experiences, all bundled together. As a writer of prose you have to create, invent characters—some you like and others you don’t. You can only do it successfully if you can get inside these people. If I don’t understand my own creations from the inside, they will be paper figures, nothing more.
INTERVIEWER
They frequently make reappearences in several different books; I’m thinking again of Tulla, Ilsebill, Oskar, and his grandmother Anna, for example. I get the impression that these characters are all members of a larger fictive world that you have only just begun to document in your novels. Do you ever think of them as having an independent existence?
GRASS
When I begin a book I develop sketches of several different characters. As my work on the book progresses, these fictive characters often begin to live their own lives. For example, in The Rat I had never planned to reintroduce Mr. Matzerath as a sixty-year-old man. But he presented himself to me, kept asking to be included, saying, I am still here; this is also my story. He wanted to get into the book. I have often found that over the course of years, these invented people begin to make demands, contradict me, or even refuse to allow themselves to be used. One is well advised to take heed of these people now and then. Of course, one must also listen to one’s self. It becomes a kind of dialogue, sometimes a very heated one. It is cooperation. 
INTERVIEWER
Why is the character Tulla Pokriefke at the center of so many of your books? 
GRASS
Her character is so difficult and full of contradictions. I was very much touched when I wrote those books. I can’t explain her. If I did, there would be an explanation. I hate explanations! I invite you to make your own picture. In Germany the high-school kids come to school and what they want is to read a good story or a book with a redhead in it! But that’s not allowed. Instead they are instructed to interpret every poem, every page, to discover what the poet is saying. This has nothing to do with art. You can explain a technical thing and its function, but a picture or a poem or a story or a novel has so many possibilities. Every reader creates a poem over again. That’s the reason I hate interpretations and explanations. Still, I’m very glad that you’re still in touch with Tulla Pokriefke.
INTERVIEWER
Your books are often told from many points of view. In The Tin Drum, Oskar speaks from the first person and the third person. In Dog Years, the narrative switches from second to third person. One could go on. How does this technique help you to present your view of the world? 
GRASS
One must always seek out fresh perspectives. For example, Oskar Matzerath. A dwarf—a child even in adulthood—his size and his passivity make him a perfect vehicle for many different perspectives. He has delusions of grandeur, and that is why he sometimes speaks of himself in the third person, just as young children sometimes do. It is part of his self-glorification. It is like the royal we, and in the spirit of de Gaulle, saying, “moi, de Gaulle . . .” These are all narrative postures that provide distance. In Dog Years, there are three perspectives, with the role of the dog different in each. The dog is a point of refraction.
INTERVIEWER
How have your interests changed and your style developed over the course of your career?
GRASS
My first three major books, The Tin Drum, Dog Years, and the novella Cat and Mouse, represent one period—the sixties. The German experience of World War II is central to all three books, which together make up the Danzig trilogy. At that time I felt especially compelled to deal with the Nazi era in my writing, to work through its causes and ramifications. A few years later, I wrote From the Diary of a Snail, which also deals with the war, but was a real departure in terms of my prose style and form. The action takes place in three different epochs: the past (World War II), the present (1969 in Germany, when I began work on the book), and the future (represented by my children). In my head and in the book all these time periods are jumbled together. I discovered that the verb tenses taught in grammar school—past, present, and future—are not so simple in real life. Every time I think about the future, my knowledge of the past and the present are there, affecting what I call future. And sentences that were said yesterday may not really be past and done with—perhaps they will have a future. Mentally, we are not restricted to chronology—we are aware of many different times at once, as if they were one. As a writer, I have to perceive this overlapping of times and tenses and be able to present it. These temporal themes have become increasingly important in my work. Headbirths, or the Germans are Dying Out is really narrated from a new, invented time, which I callVergegenkunft. It’s an amalgam of the words pastpresent, and future. In German, you can run words together to form compounds. Ver- comes from Vergangenheit, which means “past”; -gegen- from Gegenwart, which means “present”; and -kunftfrom Zukunft, the word for “future.” This new, mixed-up time is also central to The Flounder. In that book the narrator has been reincarnated over and over again throughout time, and his many different biographies provide new perspectives, each in its own present tense. To write a book from the perspectives of so many different eras, looking back from the present and in touch with things to come, I thought I would need a new form. But the novel is such an open form, that I found I could shift forms, from poetry to prose, within it.
INTERVIEWER
In From the Diary of a Snail, you combine contemporary politics with a fictionalized account of what befell the Jewish community of Danzig during the Second World War. Did you know that the speechwriting and electioneering you did for Willy Brandt in 1969 would become material for a book?
GRASS
I had no other choice but to go on that election campaign, book or not. Born in 1927, in Germany, I was twelve years old when the war started and seventeen years old when it was over. I am overloaded with this German past. I’m not the only one; there are other authors who feel this. If I had been a Swedish or a Swiss author I might have played around much more, told a few jokes and all that. That hasn’t been possible; given my background, I have had no other choice. In the fifties and the sixties, the Adenauer period, politicians didn’t like to speak about the past, or if they did speak about it, they made it out to be a demonic period in our history when devils had betrayed the pitiful, helpless German people. They told bloody lies. It has been very important to tell the younger generation how it really happened, that it happened in daylight, and very slowly and methodically. At that time, anyone could have looked and seen what was going on. One of the best things we have after forty years of the Federal Republic is that we can talk about the Nazi period. And postwar literature played an important part in bringing that about. 
INTERVIEWER
The Diary of a Snail begins, “Dear children.” This is an appeal to the entire generation that grew up after the war, but you are also addressing your own children.
GRASS
I wanted to explain how the transgression of genocide came about. Born after the war, my children had a father who drove off to campaign and give speeches on Monday morning and did not come back again until the following Saturday. They asked, “Why do you do this, why are you constantly away from us?” I tried to make it clear to them, not only verbally, but in what I wrote. The incumbent chancellor at that time, Kurt Georg Kiesinger, had been a Nazi during the war. So I was not only campaigning for a new German chancellor, but also against the Nazi past. In my book I didn’t want to stick merely to abstract numbers—“so and so many Jews were murdered.” Six million is an incomprehensible number. I wanted it to have a more physical impact. So I chose as the thread to my story the history of the Danzig synagogue, which stood in that city for many centuries until it was destroyed during the war by the Nazis—Germans. I wanted to document the truth of what happened there. In the final scene of the book I relate this to the present; I write about my preparations for a lecture given in honor of Albrecht Dürer’s three hundredth birthday. The chapter is a melancholy reflection on Dürer’s engraving Melencholia Iand the effect melancholy has had on human history. I imagine that a culture-wide state of melancholy would be the correct attitude for Germans to have toward the Holocaust. Repentant and mournful, it would be informed by some insight about the causes of the Holocaust, which would carry over to our times as a lesson.
INTERVIEWER
This is typical of so many of your books, focusing on some aspect of wretchedness in the current world situation and the horrors that seem to lie ahead. Do you mean to teach, to warn, or to incite your readers to some kind of action? 
GRASS
Simply, I do not want to deceive them. I want to present the situation they are in, or one they may look forward to. People are disconsolate, not because everything is so awful but because we as human beings have it in our hands to change things, but don’t. Our problems are caused by us, determined by us, and it behooves us to solve them.
INTERVIEWER
Your activism extends to environmental as well as political issues, and you have incorporated this into your work.
GRASS
In the past few years I have traveled a great deal, in Germany and other places. I have seen and drawn dying, poisoned worlds. I published a book of drawings calledDeath of Wood about one such world, on the border between the Federal Republic of Germany and what was then still the German Democratic Republic. There, well in advance of the political union, a reunification of Germany occurred in the form of dying forests. This is also true of the mountain range on the border of West Germany and Czechoslovakia. It looks as if a slaughter had taken place. I drew what I saw there. The pictures have brief, pregnant titles that are intended more as commentary than description, and there is an afterword. With this kind of subject matter, drawing has an equal or greater weight than the writing. 
INTERVIEWER
Do you believe that literature has sufficient power to illuminate the political realities of an age? Did you go into politics because as a citizen you felt you could do more than what you could as a writer?
GRASS
I don’t think politics should be left to the parties; that would be dangerous. There are so many seminars and conferences on the subject “can literature change the world”! I think literature has the power to effect change. So does art. We’ve changed our habits of seeing as a result of modern art, in ways of which we are barely aware. Inventions like cubism have provided us with new powers of vision. James Joyce’s introduction of the interior monologue in Ulysses has affected the complexity of our understanding of existence. It’s just that the changes that literature can affect are not measurable. The intercourse between a book and its reader is peaceful, anonymous.
To what extent have books changed people? We don’t know much about this. I can only answer that books have been decisive for me. When I was young, after the war, one of the many books that were important for me was that little volume by Camus, The Myth of Sisyphus. The famous, mythological hero who is sentenced to roll a stone up a mountain, which inevitably rolls back down to the bottom—traditionally a genuinely tragic figure—was newly interpreted for me by Camus as being happy in his fate. The continuous, futile-seeming repetition of rolling the stone up the mountain is actually the satisfying act of his existence. He would be unhappy if someone took the stone away from him. That had a great influence on me. I don’t believe in an end goal; I don’t think the stone will ever remain at the top of the mountain. We can take this myth to be a positive depiction of the human condition, even though it stands in opposition to every form of idealism, including German idealism, and to every ideology. Every Western ideology promises some ultimate goal—a happy, a just, or a peaceful society. I don’t believe in that. We are things in flux. It may be that the stone always slides away from us and must be rolled back up again, but it’s something we must do; the stone belongs to us.
INTERVIEWER
So how do you envision man’s future? 
GRASS
As long as we are needed, there will be some sort of future. I can’t tell you much about it in one word. I don’t want to give an answer to this in one word. I have written a book, The Rat—“The She-Rat,” “Rattessa.” What else do you want? It is a long answer to your question.
Author photograph by Nancy Crampton.

朱子語類 總論為學之方

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Library Resources
1 總論為學... :
這道體,饒本作「理」。浩浩無窮
2 總論為學... :
道體用雖極精微,聖賢之言則甚明白。若海
3 總論為學... :
聖人之道,如飢食渴飲。人傑
4 總論為學... :
聖人之道,有高遠處,有平實處。道夫
5 總論為學... :
夫道若大路然,豈難知哉!人病不由耳。道夫
6 總論為學... :
道未嘗息,而人自息之。非道亡也,幽厲不由也。道夫
7 總論為學... :
聖人教人,大概只是說孝弟忠信日用常行底話。人能就上面做將去,則心之放者自收,性之昏者自著。如心、性等字,到子思孟子方說得詳。因說象山之學。儒用
8 總論為學... :
聖人教人有定本。舜「使契為司徒,教以人倫:父子有親,君臣有義,夫婦有別,長幼有序,朋友有信」。夫子對顏淵曰:「克己復禮為仁。」「非禮勿視,非禮勿聽,非禮勿言,非禮勿動。」皆是定本。人傑
9 總論為學... :
聖門日用工夫,甚覺淺近。然推之理,無有不包,無有不貫,及其充廣,可與天地同其廣大。故為聖,為賢,位天地,育萬物,只此一理而已。
10 總論為學... :
常人之學,多是偏於一理,主於一說,故不見四旁,以起爭辨。聖人則中正和平,無所偏倚。人傑
11 總論為學... :
聖賢所說工夫,都只一般,只是一箇「擇善固執」。論語則說:「學而時習之」,孟子則說「明善誠身」,只是隨他地頭所說不同,下得字來,各自精細。其實工夫只是一般,須是盡知其所以不同,方知其所謂同也。
12 總論為學... :
這箇道理,各自有地頭,不可只就一面說。在這裏時是恁地說,在那裏時又如彼說,其賓主彼此之勢各自不同。
13 總論為學... :
學者工夫,但患不得其要。若是尋究得這箇道理,自然頭頭有箇著落,貫通浹洽,各有條理。如或不然,則處處窒礙。學者常談,多說持守未得其要,不知持守甚底。說擴充,說體驗,說涵養,皆是揀好底言語做箇說話,必有實得力處方可。所謂要於本領上理會者,蓋緣如此。
14 總論為學... :
為學須先立得箇大腔當了,卻旋去裏面修治壁落教綿密。今人多是未曾知得箇大規模,先去修治得一間半房,所以不濟事。
15 總論為學... :
識得道理原頭,便是地盤。如人要起屋,須是先築教基址堅牢,上面方可架屋。若自無好基址,空自今日買得多少木去起屋,少間只起在別人地上,自家身己自沒頓放處。賀孫
16 總論為學... :
須就源頭看教大底道理透,闊開基,廣開址。如要造百間屋,須著有百間屋基;要造十間屋,須著有十間屋基。緣這道理本同,甲有許多,乙也有許多,丙也有許多。賀孫
17 總論為學... :
學須先理會那大底。理會得大底了,將來那裏面小底自然通透。今人卻是理會那大底不得,只去搜尋裏面小小節目。
18 總論為學... :
學問須是大進一番,方始有益。若能於一處大處攻得破,見那許多零碎,只是這一箇道理,方是快活。然零碎底非是不當理會,但大處攻不破,縱零碎理會得些少,終不快活。「曾點漆雕開已見大意」,只緣他大處看得分曉。今且道他那大底是甚物事?天下只有一箇道理,學只要理會得這一箇道理。這裏纔通,則凡天理、人欲、義利、公私、善惡之辨,莫不皆通。
19 總論為學... :
或問:「氣質之偏,如何救得?」曰:「才說偏了,又著一箇物事去救他偏,越見不平正了,越討頭不見。要緊只是看教大底道理分明,偏處自見得。如暗室求物,把火來,便照見。若只管去摸索,費盡心力,只是摸索不見。若見得大底道理分明,有病痛處,也自會變移不自知,不消得費力。」賀孫
20 總論為學... :
成己方能成物,成物在成己之中。須是如此推出,方能合義理。聖賢千言萬語,教人且從近處做去。如灑掃大廳大廊,亦只是如灑掃小室模樣;掃得小處淨潔,大處亦然。若有大處開拓不去,即是於小處便不曾盡心。學者貪高慕遠,不肯從近處做去,如何理會得大頭項底!而今也有不曾從裏做得底,外面也做得好。此只是才高,以智力勝將去。中庸說細處,只是謹獨,謹言,謹行;大處是武王周公達孝,經綸天下,無不載。小者便是大者之驗。須是要謹行,謹言,從細處做起,方能克得如此大。又曰:「如今為學甚難,緣小學無人習得。如今卻是從頭起。古人於小學小事中,便皆存箇大學大事底道理在。大學,只是推將開闊去。向來小時做底道理存其中,正似一箇坯素相似。」明作
21 總論為學... :
學者做工夫,莫說道是要待一箇頓段大項目工夫後方做得,即今逐些零碎積累將去。才等待大項目後方做,即今便蹉過了!學者只今便要做去,斷以不疑,鬼神避之。「需者,事之賊也!」
22 總論為學... :
「如今學問未識箇入路,就他自做,倒不覺。惟既識得箇入頭,卻事事須著理會。且道世上多多少少事!」江文卿云:「只先生一言一語,皆欲為一世法,所以須著如此。」曰:「不是說要為世法。既識得路頭,許多事都自是合著如此,不如此不得。自是天理合下當然。」賀孫
23 總論為學... :
若不見得入頭處,緊也不可,慢也不得。若識得些路頭,須是莫斷了。若斷了,便不成。待得再新整頓起來,費多少力!如雞抱卵,看來抱得有甚煖氣,只被他常常恁地抱得成。若把湯去盪,便死了;若抱才住,便冷了。然而實是見得入頭處,也自不解住了,自要做去,他自得些滋味了。如喫果子相似:未識滋味時,喫也得,不消喫也得;到識滋味了,要住,自住不得。賀孫
24 總論為學... :
「待文王而後興者,凡民也。若夫豪傑之士,雖無文王猶興。」豪傑質美,生下來便見這道理,何用費力。今人至於沉迷而不反,聖人為之屢言,方始肯來,已是下愚了。況又不知求之,則終於為禽獸而已!蓋人為萬物之靈,自是與物異。若迷其靈而昏之,則與禽獸何別?大雅
25 總論為學... :
學問是自家合做底。不知學問,則是欠闕了自家底;知學問,則方無所欠闕。今人把學問來做外面添底事看了。
26 總論為學... :
聖賢只是做得人當為底事盡。今做到聖賢,止是恰好,又不是過外。祖道
27 總論為學... :
「凡人須以聖賢為己任。世人多以聖賢為高,而自視為卑,故不肯進。抑不知,使聖賢本自高,而己別是一樣人,則早夜孜孜,別是分外事,不為亦可,為之亦可。然聖賢稟性與常人一同。既與常人一同,又安得不以聖賢為己任?自開闢以來,生多少人,求其盡己者,千萬人中無一二,只是羇同枉過一世!詩曰:『天生烝民,有物有則。』今世學者,往往有物而不能有其則。中庸曰:『尊德性而道問學,極高明而道中庸。』此數句乃是徹首徹尾。人性本善,只為嗜慾所迷,利害所逐,一齊昏了。聖賢能盡其性,故耳極天下之聰,目極天下之明,為子極孝,為臣極其忠。」某問:「明性須以敬為先?」曰:「固是。但敬亦不可混淪說,須是每事上檢點。論其大要,只是不放過耳。大抵為己之學,於他人無一毫干預。聖賢千言萬語,只是使人反其固有而復其性耳。」可學
28 總論為學... :
學者大要立志。所謂志者,不道將這些意氣去蓋他人,只是直截要學堯舜。「孟子道性善,言必稱堯舜。」此是真實道理。「世子自楚反,復見孟子。孟子曰:『世子疑吾言乎?夫道一而已矣。』」這些道理,更無走作,只是一箇性善可至堯舜,別沒去處了。下文引成阀顏子公明儀所言,便見得人人皆可為也。學者立志,須教勇猛,自當有進。志不足以有為,此學者之大病。
29 總論為學... :
世俗之學,所以與聖賢不同者,亦不難見。聖賢直是真箇去做,說正心,直要心正;說誠意,直要意誠;修身齊家,皆非空言。今之學者說正心,但將正心吟詠一晌;說誠意,又將誠意吟詠一晌;說修身,又將聖賢許多說修身處諷誦而已。或掇拾言語,綴緝時文。如此為學,卻於自家身上有何交涉?這裏須要著意理會。今之朋友,固有樂聞聖賢之學,而終不能去世俗之陋者,無他,只是志不立爾。學者大要立志,纔學,便要做聖人是也。
30 總論為學... :
學者須是立志。今人所以悠悠者,只是把學問不曾做一件事看,遇事則且胡亂恁地打過了。此只是志不立。
31 總論為學... :
問:「人氣力怯弱,於學有妨否?」曰:「為學在立志,不干氣稟強弱事。」又曰:「為學何用憂惱,但須令平易寬快去。」宇舉聖門弟子,唯稱顏子好學,其次方說及曾子,以此知事大難。曰:「固是如此。某看來亦有甚難,有甚易!只是堅立著志,順義理做去,他無蹺欹也。」
32 總論為學... :
英雄之主所以有天下,只是立得志定,見得大利害。如今學者只是立得志定,講究得義理分明。賀孫
33 總論為學... :
立志要如飢渴之於飲食。才有悠悠,便是志不立。祖道
34 總論為學... :
為學須是痛切懇惻做工夫,使飢忘食,渴忘飲,始得。
35 總論為學... :
這箇物事要得不難。如飢之欲食,渴之欲飲,如救火,如追亡,似此年歲間,看得透,活潑潑地在這裏流轉,方是。
36 總論為學... :
學者做工夫,當忘寢食做一上,使得些入處,自後方滋味接續。浮浮沉沉,半上落下,不濟得事。
37 總論為學... :
「而今緊要且看聖人是如何,常人是如何,自家因甚便不似聖人,因甚便只是常人。就此理會得透,自可超凡入聖。
38 總論為學... :
為學,須思所以超凡入聖。如何昨日為鄉人,今日便為聖人!須是竦拔,方始有進!
39 總論為學... :
為學須覺今是而昨非,日改月化,便是長進。
40 總論為學... :
今之學者全不曾發憤。升卿
41 總論為學... :
為學不進,只是不勇!
42 總論為學... :
不可倚靠師友。方子
43 總論為學... :
不要等待。方子
44 總論為學... :
今人做工夫,不肯便下手,皆是要等待。如今日早間有事,午間無事,則午間便可下手,午間有事。晚間便可下手,卻須要待明日。今月若尚有數日,必直待後月,今年尚有數月,不做工夫,必曰,今年歲月無幾,直須來年。如此,何緣長進!因康叔臨問致知,先生曰:「如此說得,不濟事。」蓋卿
45 總論為學... :
道不能安坐等其自至,只待別人理會來,放自家口裏!
46 總論為學... :
學者須是奈煩,奈辛苦。方子
47 總論為學... :
必須端的自省,特達自肯,然後可以用力,莫如「下學而上達」也。去偽
48 總論為學... :
凡人便是生知之資,也須下困學、勉行底工夫,方得。蓋道理縝密,去那裏捉摸!若不下工夫,如何會了得!敬仲
49 總論為學... :
今之學者,本是困知、勉行底資質,卻要學他生知、安行底工夫。便是生知、安行底資質,亦用下困知、勉行工夫,況是困知、勉行底資質!文蔚
50 總論為學... :
大抵為學雖有聰明之資,必須做遲鈍工夫,始得。既是遲鈍之資,卻做聰明底樣工夫,如何得!伯羽
51 總論為學... :
今人不肯做工夫。有先覺得難,後遂不肯做;有自知不可為,公然遜與他人。如退產相似,甘伏批退,自己不願要。蓋卿
52 總論為學... :
「為學勿責無人為自家剖析出來,須是自家去裏面講究做工夫,要自見得。」道夫
53 總論為學... :
小立課程,大作工夫。可學
54 總論為學... :
工夫要趲,期限要寬。從周
55 總論為學... :
且理會去,未須計其得。德明
56 總論為學... :
纔計於得,則心便二,頭便低了。
57 總論為學... :
嚴立功程,寬著意思,久之,自當有味,不可求欲速之功。道夫
58 總論為學... :
自早至暮,無非是做工夫時節。道夫
59 總論為學... :
人多言為事所奪,有妨講學,此為「不能使船嫌溪曲」者也。遇富貴,就富貴上做工夫;遇貧賤,就貧賤上做工夫。兵法一言甚佳:「因其勢而利導之」也。人謂齊人弱,田忌乃因其弱以取勝,今日三萬灶,明日二萬灶,後日一萬灶。又如韓信特地送許多人安於死地,乃始得勝。學者若有絲毫氣在,必須進力!除非無了此氣,只口不會說話,方可休也。因舉浮屠語曰:「假使鐵輪頂上旋,定慧圓明終不失!」力行
60 總論為學... :
聖賢千言萬語,無非只說此事。須是策勵此心,勇猛奮發,拔出心肝與他去做!如兩邊擂起戰鼓,莫問前頭如何,只認捲將去!如此,方做得工夫。若半上落下,半沉半浮,濟得甚事!
61 總論為學... :
又如大片石,須是和根拔。今只於石面上薄削,濟甚事!作意向學,不十日五日又懶,孟子曰:「一日暴之,十日寒之!」可學
62 總論為學... :
宗杲云:「如載一車兵器,逐件取出來弄,弄了一件又弄一件,便不是殺人手段。我只有寸鐵,便可殺人!」
63 總論為學... :
且如項羽救趙,既渡,沈船破釜,持三日糧,示士必死,無還心,故能破秦。若瞻前顧後,便做不成。
64 總論為學... :
如居燒屋之下!如坐漏船之中!可學
65 總論為學... :
為學極要求把篙處著力。到工夫要斷絕處,又更增工夫,著力不放令倒,方是向進處。為學正如上水船,方平穩處,儘行不妨。及到灘脊急流之中,舟人來這上一篙,不可放緩。直須著力撐上,不一步不緊。放退一步,則此船不得上矣!
66 總論為學... :
學者為學,譬如煉丹,須是將百十斤炭火鍛一餉,方好用微微火養教成就。今人未曾將百十斤炭火去鍛,便要將微火養將去,如何得會成!
67 總論為學... :
今語學問,正如煮物相似,須爇猛火先煮,方用微火慢煮。若一向只用微火,何由得熟?欲復自家元來之性,乃恁地悠悠,幾時會做得?大要須先立頭緒。頭緒既立,然後有所持守。書曰:「若藥弗瞑眩,厥疾弗瘳。」今日學者皆是養病。可學
68 總論為學... :
譬如煎藥:先猛火煎,教百沸大羇,直至湧坌出來,然後卻可以慢火養之。
69 總論為學... :
須磨礪精神去理會。天下事,非燕安杤豫之可得。
70 總論為學... :
萬事須是有精神,方做得。
71 總論為學... :
陽氣發處,金石亦透。精神一到,何事不成!
72 總論為學... :
凡做事,須著精神。這箇物事自是剛,有鋒刃。如陽氣發生,雖金石也透過!賀孫
73 總論為學... :
人氣須是剛,方做得事。如天地之氣剛,故不論甚物事皆透過。人氣之剛,其本相亦如此。若只遇著一重薄物事,便退轉去,如何做得事!從周。方子錄云:「天地之氣,雖至堅如金石,無所不透,故人之氣亦至剛,蓋其本相如此。」
74 總論為學... :
「學者識得箇脈路正,便須剛決向前。若半青半黃,非惟無益。」因舉酒云:「未嘗見有衰底聖賢。」德明
75 總論為學... :
學者不立,則一齊放倒了!升卿
76 總論為學... :
不帶性氣底人,為僧不成,做道不了。
77 總論為學... :
因言,前輩也多是背處做幾年,方成。
78 總論為學... :
進取得失之念放輕,卻將聖賢格言處研窮考究。若悠悠地似做不做,如捕風捉影,有甚長進!今日是這箇人,明日也是這箇人。季札
79 總論為學... :
學者只是不為己,故日間此心安頓在義理上時少,安頓在閑事上時多,於義理卻生,於閑事卻熟。方子
80 總論為學... :
今學者要緊且要分別箇路頭,要緊是為己為人之際。為己者直拔要理會這箇物事,欲自家理會得;不是漫恁地理會,且恁地理會做好看,教人說道自家也曾理會來。這假饒理會得十分是當,也都不闕自身己事。要須先理會這箇路頭。若分別得了,方可理會文字。賀孫
81 總論為學... :
學者須是為己。譬如喫飯,寧可逐些喫,令飽為是乎?寧可鋪攤放門外,報人道我家有許多飯為是乎?近來學者,多是以自家合做底事報與人知。又言,此間學者多好高,只是將義理略從肚裏過,卻翻出許多說話。舊見此間人做婚書,亦說天命人倫。男婚女嫁,自是常事。蓋有厭卑近之意,故須將日用常行底事裝荷起來。如此者,只是不為己,不求益;只是好名,圖好看。亦聊以自誑,如南越王黃屋左纛,聊以自娛爾。方子
82 總論為學... :
近世講學不著實,常有夸底意思。譬如有飯不將來自喫,只管鋪攤在門前,要人知得我家裏有飯。打疊得此意盡,方有進。
83 總論為學... :
今人為學,多只是謾且恁地,不曾真實肯做。方子
84 總論為學... :
今之學者,直與古異,今人只是強探向上去,古人則逐步步實做將去。
85 總論為學... :
只是實去做工夫。議論多,轉鬧了。德明
86 總論為學... :
每論諸家學,及己學,大指要下學著實。
87 總論為學... :
為學須是切實為己,則安靜篤實,承載得許多道理。若輕揚淺露,如何探討得道理?縱使探討得,說得去,也承載不住。
88 總論為學... :
入道之門,是將自家身己入那道理中去。漸漸相親,久之與己為一。而今入道理在這裏,自家身在外面,全不曾相干涉。
89 總論為學... :
或問為學。曰:「今人將作箇大底事說,不切己了,全無益。一向去前人說中乘虛接渺,妄取許多枝蔓,只見遠了,只見無益於己。聖賢千言萬語,儘自多了。前輩說得分曉了,如何不切己去理會!如今看文字,且要以前賢程先生等所解為主,看他所說如何,聖賢言語如何,將己來聽命於他,切己思量體察,就日用常行中著衣喫飯,事親從兄,盡是問學。若是不切己,只是說話。今人只憑一己私意,瞥見些子說話,便立箇主張,硬要去說,便要聖賢從我言語路頭去,如何會有益。此其病只是要說高說妙,將來做箇好看底物事做弄。如人喫飯,方知滋味;如不曾喫,只要攤出在外面與人看,濟人濟己都不得。」
90 總論為學... :
或問:「為學如何做工夫?」曰:「不過是切己,便的當。此事自有大綱,亦有節目。常存大綱在我,至於節目之間,無非此理。體認省察,一毫不可放過。理明學至,件件是自家物事,然亦須各有倫序。」問:「如何是倫序?」曰:「不是安排此一件為先,此一件為後,此一件為大,此一件為小。隨人所為,先其易者,闕其難者,將來難者亦自可理會。且如讀書:三禮春秋有制度之難明,本末之難見,且放下未要理會,亦得。如書詩,直是不可不先理會。又如詩之名數,書之盤誥,恐難理會。且先讀典謨之書,雅頌之詩,何嘗一言一句不說道理,何嘗深潛諦玩,無有滋味,只是人不曾子細看。若子細看,裏面有多少倫序,須是子細參研方得。此便是格物窮理。如遇事亦然,事中自有一箇平平當當道理,只是人討不出,只隨事羇將去,亦做得,卻有掣肘不中節處。亦緣鹵莽了,所以如此。聖賢言語,何曾誤天下後世,人自學不至耳。」
91 總論為學... :
佛家一向撤去許多事,只理會自身己;其教雖不是,其意思卻是要自理會。所以他那下常有人,自家這下自無人。今世儒者,能守經者,理會講解而已;看史傳者,計較利害而已。那人直是要理會身己,從自家身己做去。不理會自身己,說甚別人長短!明道曰:「不立己後,雖向好事,猶為化物。不得以天下萬物撓己,己立後,自能了當得天下萬物。」只是從程先生後,不再傳而已衰。所以某嘗說自家這下無人。佛家有三門:曰教,曰律,曰禪。禪家不立文字,只直截要識心見性。律本法甚嚴,毫髮有罪。如云不許飲水,纔飲水便有罪過。如今小院號為律院,乃不律之尤者也!教自有三項:曰天台教,曰慈恩教,曰延壽教。延壽教南方無傳,有些文字,無能通者。其學近禪,故禪家以此為得。天台教專理會講解。慈恩教亦只是講解。吾儒家若見得道理透,就自家身心上理會得本領,便自兼得禪底;講說辨討,便自兼得教底;動由規矩,便自兼得律底。事事是自家合理會。顏淵問為邦。看他陋巷簞瓢如此,又卻問為邦之事,只是合當理會,看得是合做底事。若理會得入頭,意思一齊都轉;若不理會得入頭,少間百事皆差錯。若差了路頭底亦多端:有纔出門便錯了路底,有行過三兩條路了方差底,有略差了便轉底,有一向差了煞遠,終於不轉底。賀孫
92 總論為學... :
不可只把做面前物事看了,須是向自身上體認教分明。如道家存想,有所謂龍虎,亦是就身上存想。士毅
93 總論為學... :
為學須是專一。吾儒惟專一於道理,則自有得。
94 總論為學... :
既知道自家患在不專一,何不便專一去!逍遙
95 總論為學... :
須是在己見得只是欠闕,他人見之卻有長進,方可。
96 總論為學... :
人白睚不得,要將聖賢道理扶持。
97 總論為學... :
為學之道,須先存得這箇道理,方可講究事情。
98 總論為學... :
今人口略依稀說過,不曾心曉。
99 總論為學... :
發得早時不費力。升卿
100總論為學... :
有資質甚高者,一了一切了,即不須節節用工。也有資質中下者,不能盡了,卻須節節用工。
101總論為學... :
博學,謂天地萬物之理,修己治人之方,皆所當學。然亦各有次序,當以其大而急者為先,不可雜而無統也。
102總論為學... :
今之學者多好說得高,不喜平。殊不知這箇只是合當做底事。
103總論為學... :
譬如登山,人多要至高處。不知自低處不理會,終無至高處之理。德明
104總論為學... :
於顯處平易處見得,則幽微底自在裏許。德明
105總論為學... :
且於切近處加功。升卿
106總論為學... :
著一些急不得。方子
107總論為學... :
學者須是直前做去,莫起計獲之心。如今說底,恰似畫卦影一般。吉凶未應時,一場鶻突,知他是如何。到應後,方始知元來是如此。
108總論為學... :
某適來,因澡浴得一說:大抵揩背,須從頭徐徐用手,則力省,垢可去。若於此處揩,又於彼處揩,用力雜然,則終日勞而無功。學問亦如此,若一番理會不了,又作一番理會,終不濟事。蓋卿
109總論為學... :
學者須是熟。熟時,一喚便在目前;不熟時,須著旋思索。到思索得來,意思已不如初了。士毅
110總論為學... :
道理生,便縛不住。
111總論為學... :
見,須是見得確定。
112總論為學... :
須是心廣大似這箇,方包裹得過,運動得行。方子
113總論為學... :
學者立得根腳闊,便好。升卿
114總論為學... :
須是有頭有尾,成箇物事。方子
115總論為學... :
徹上徹下,無精粗本末,只是一理。
116總論為學... :
最怕粗看了,便易走入不好處去。士毅
117總論為學... :
學問不只於一事一路上理會。
118總論為學... :
貫通,是無所不通。
119總論為學... :
「未有耳目狹而心廣者。」其說甚好。
120總論為學... :
帖底謹細做去,所以能廣。
121總論為學... :
大凡學者,無有徑截一路可以教他了得;須是博洽,歷涉多,方通。
122總論為學... :
不可涉其流便休。方子
123總論為學... :
天下更有大江大河,不可守箇土窟子,謂水專在是。力行
124總論為學... :
學者若有本領,相次千枝萬葉,都來湊著這裏,看也須易曉,讀也須易記。方子
125總論為學... :
大本不立,小規不正。可學
126總論為學... :
刮落枝葉,栽培根本。可學
127總論為學... :
大根本流為小根本。舉前說。因先說:「欽夫學大本如此,則發處不能不受病。」
128總論為學... :
學問須嚴密理會,銖分毫析。道夫
129總論為學... :
因論為學,曰:「愈細密,愈廣大;愈謹確,愈高明。」
130總論為學... :
開闊中又著細密,寬緩中又著謹嚴。
131總論為學... :
如其窄狹,則當涵泳廣大氣象;頹惰,則當涵泳振作氣象。方子
132總論為學... :
學者須養教氣宇開闊弘毅。升卿
133總論為學... :
常使截斷嚴整之時多,膠膠擾擾之時少,方好。德明
134總論為學... :
只有一箇界分,出則便不是。
135總論為學... :
義理難者便不是。
136總論為學... :
體認為病,自在即好。
137總論為學... :
須是玩味。方子
138總論為學... :
咬得破時,正好咀味。文蔚
139總論為學... :
若只是握得一箇鶻崙底果子,不知裏面是酸,是鹹,是苦,是澀。須是與他嚼破,便見滋味。
140總論為學... :
易曰:「學以聚之,問以辨之,寬以居之,仁以行之。」語曰:「執德不弘,信道不篤,焉能為有!焉能為亡!」學問之後,繼以寬居。信道篤而又欲執德弘者,人之為心不可促迫也。人心須令著得一善,又著一善,善之來無窮,而吾心受之有餘地,方好。若只著得一善,第二般來又未便容得,如此,無緣心廣而道積也。
141總論為學... :
自家猶不能怏自家意,如何他人卻能盡怏我意!要在虛心以從善。升卿
142總論為學... :
「虛心順理」,學者當守此四字。人傑
143總論為學... :
聖人與理為一,是恰好。其他以心處這理,卻是未熟,要將此心處理。可學
144總論為學... :
今人言道理,說要平易,不知到那平易處極難。被那舊習纏繞,如何便擺脫得去!譬如作文一般,那箇新巧者易作,要平淡便難。然須還他新巧,然後造於平淡。又曰:「自高險處移下平易處,甚難。」端蒙
145總論為學... :
人之資質有偏,則有縫罅。做工夫處,蓋就偏處做將去。若資質平底,則如死水然,終激作不起。謹愿底人,更添些無狀,便是鄉原。不可以為知得些子便了。
146總論為學... :
只聞「下學而上達」,不聞「上達而下學」。德明
147總論為學... :
今學者之於大道,其未及者雖是遲鈍,卻須終有到時。唯過之者,便不肯復回來耳。必大
148總論為學... :
或人性本好,不須矯揉。教人一用此,極害理。又有讀書見義理,釋書,義理不見,亦可慮。可學
149總論為學... :
學者議論工夫,當因其人而示以用工之實,不必費辭。使人知所適從,以入於坦易明白之域,可也。若泛為端緒,使人迫切而自求之,適恐資學者之病。人傑
150總論為學... :
師友之功,但能示之於始而正之於終爾。若中間三十分工夫,自用喫力去做。既有以喻之於始,又自勉之於中,又其後得人商量是正之,則所益厚矣。不爾,則亦何補於事。道夫
151總論為學... :
或論人之資質,或長於此而短於彼。曰:「只要長善救失。」或曰:「長善救失,不特教者當如此,人自為學亦當如此。」曰:「然。」
152總論為學... :
凡言誠實,都是合當做底事;不是說道誠實好了方去做,不誠實不好了方不做。自是合當誠實。
153總論為學... :
「言必忠信」,言自合著忠信,何待安排。有心去要恁地,便不是活,便不能久矣。若如此,便是剩了一箇字在信見邊自是著不得。如事親必於孝,事長必於弟,孝弟自是道理合當如此。何須安一箇「必」字在心頭,念念要恁地做。如此,便是辛苦,如何得會長久?又如集義久,然後浩然之氣自生。若著一箇意在這裏等待氣生,便為害。今日集得許多,又等待氣生,卻是私意了。「必有事焉而勿正」,正,便是期必也。為學者須從窮理上做工夫。若物格、知至,則意自誠;意誠,則道理合做底事自然行將去,自無下面許多病痛也。「擴然而大公,物來而順應。」
154總論為學... :
切須去了外慕之心!力行
155總論為學... :
有一分心向裏,得一分力;有兩分心向裏,得兩分力。文蔚
156總論為學... :
須是要打疊得盡,方有進。從周
157總論為學... :
看得道理熟後,只除了這道理是真實法外,見世間萬事,顛倒迷妄,耽嗜戀著,無一不是戲劇,真不堪著眼也。又答人書云:「世間萬事,須臾變滅,皆不足置胸中,惟有窮理修身為究竟法耳。」
158總論為學... :
大凡人只合講明道理而謹守之,以無愧於天之所與者。若乃身外榮辱休戚,當一切聽命而已。
159總論為學... :
因說索麵,曰:「今人於飲食動使之物,日極其精巧。到得義理,卻不理會,漸漸昏蔽了都不知。」

George Orwell : Animal Farm (1945)...

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It is now 65 years since George Orwell died, and he has never been bigger. His phrases are on our lips, his ideas are in our heads, his warnings have come true. How did this happen?



It is now 65 years since George Orwell died, and he has never been bigger. His phrases are on our lips, his ideas are in our heads, his warnings have come true. How did this happen?  To read this story, and more from Intelligent Life, download the new issue on iPad, iPhone or Android through our free app via http://econ.st/1zV50si



我生平第一本英文小說,George Orwell Animal Farm (1945)。那時 (1968),似乎有梁實秋先生的翻譯本《百獸圖》,不過,省立台中圖書館有原文書,就"不知不覺"讀完它。當時,我不會在意翻譯本之比較,而是「得魚忘筌」。
幾十年之後,我的朋友Peter去讀學士後法律課程,課程中,老師要大家討論書中的聰明豬與百獸的約定,算的上農場的「憲法」嗎?
2011年讀George Orwell 書信,他希望將此處改一處,為眾牲都大驚失色,惟拿破侖處之泰然…….”…..因為史達林 (J.S.) 當時沒離開莫斯科…….
2014.9.24 
今日是香港學生舉行為期一周的罷課活動的第二天,學生們坐在香港政府附近的區域聆聽有關民主和公民社會的演講。
在香港嶺南大學教授歷史的David Lloyd Smith做了有關喬治•奧威爾(George Orwell)的演講并將香港的民主發展比作朝鮮,朝鮮有正式的普選,但只有經過政府審查的人才能參選。
現年21歲、就讀香港科技大學(Hong Kong University of Science and Technology)商業專業的學生Christine Tong說,有關喬治•奧威爾的演講引起了她的共鳴。她說,香港政府就好比《動物莊園》(Animal Farm)裡的豬,利用自己的權力來壓制其他動物,違背自己的原則。
另一場關於莫罕達斯•甘地(Mohandas Gandhi)和公民抗命的演講也吸引了學生以及其他一些佩戴黃絲帶、支持“佔中”運動的人。


Animal Farm was the first animated film made by the British film industry in 1954. But what nobody realised at the time, least of all the producers, was that the film was financed by the CIA as part of the Cold War effort...
Listen to The Film Programme: http://bbc.in/1wOW7MU

Fashion designer Agnes B discusses her directorial debut My Name Is Hmmm...
BBC.IN

George Orwell
1945
When Animal Farm was published in 1945, its British author George Orwell (a pseudonym for Eric Arthur Blair) had already waited a year and a half to see his manuscript in print. Because the book criticized the Soviet Union, one of England's allies in World War II, publication was delayed until the war ended. It was an immediate success as the first edition sold out in a month, nine foreign editions had appeared by the next year, and the American Book-of-the-Month Club edition sold more than a half-million copies. Although Orwell was an experienced columnist and essayist as well as the author of nine published books, nothing could have prepared him for the success of this short novel, so brief he had considered self-publishing it as a pamphlet. The novel brought together important themes — politics, truth, and class conflict — that had concerned Orwell for much of his life. Using allegory — the weapon used by political satirists of the past, including Voltaire and Swift — Orwell made his political statement in a twentieth-century fable that could be read as an entertaining story about animals or, on a deeper level, a savage attack on the misuse of political power. While Orwell wrote Animal Farm as a pointed criticism of Stalinist Russia, reviews of the book on the fiftieth-anniversary of its publication declared its message to be still relevant. In a play on the famous line from the book, "Some animals are more equal than others," an Economist reviewer wrote, "Some classics are more equal than others," and as proof he noted that Animal Farm has never been out of
print since it was first published and continues to sell well year after year.

George Orwell’s Animal FarmIllustrated by Ralph Steadman

by 
“I do not wish to comment on the work; if it does not speak for itself, it is a failure.”
In 1995, more than twenty years after hisirreverent illustrations for Alice in Wonderland, the beloved British cartoonistRalph Steadman put his singular twist on a very different kind of literary beast, one of the most controversial books ever published. To commemorate the 50th anniversary of the first American publication of George Orwell’s masterpiece, which by that point had sold millions of copies around the world in more than seventy languages, Steadman illustrated a special edition titled Animal Farm: A Fairy Story (public library), featuring 100 of his unmistakable full-color and halftone illustrations.
Accompanying Steadman’s illustrations is Orwell’s proposed but unpublished preface to the original edition, titled “The Freedom of the Press” — a critique of how the media’s fear of public opinion ends up drowning out the central responsibility of journalism. Though aimed at European publishers’ self-censorship regarding Animal Farm at the time, Orwell’s words ring with astounding prescience and timeliness in our present era of people-pleasing “content” that passes for journalism:
The chief danger to freedom of thought and speech at this moment is not the direct interference of … any official body. If publishers and editors exert themselves to keep certain topics out of print, it is not because they are frightened of prosecution but because they are frightened of public opinion. In this country intellectual cowardice is the worst enemy a writer or journalist has to face.
Portrait of George Orwell by Ralph Steadman
Alas, this exquisite edition is no longer in print, but I was able to track down a surviving copy and offer a taste of Steadman’s genius for our shared delight.
Also included is Orwell’s preface to the 1947 Ukrainian edition, equally timely today for obvious geopolitical reasons. In it, he writes:
I understood, more clearly than ever, the negative influence of the Soviet myth upon the western Socialist movement.
And here I must pause to describe my attitude to the Soviet régime.
I have never visited Russia and my knowledge of it consists only of what can be learned by reading books and newspapers. Even if I had the power, I would not wish to interfere in Soviet domestic affairs: I would not condemn Stalin and his associates merely for their barbaric and undemocratic methods. It is quite possible that, even with the best intentions, they could not have acted otherwise under the conditions prevailing there.
But on the other hand it was of the utmost importance to me that people in Western Europe should see the Soviet régime for what it really was…
I have been convinced that the destruction of the Soviet myth was essential if we wanted a revival of the Socialist movement.
Orwell concludes with a note on his often misconstrued intent with the book’s ultimate message:
I do not wish to comment on the work; if it does not speak for itself, it is a failure. But I should like to emphasize two points: first, that although the various episodes are taken from the actual history of the Russian Revolution, they are dealt with schematically and their chronological order is changed; this was necessary for the symmetry of the story. The second point has been missed by most critics, possibly because I did not emphasize it sufficiently. A number of readers may finish the book with the impression that it ends in the complete reconciliation of the pigs and the humans. That was not my intention; on the contrary I meant it to end on a loud note of discord, for I wrote it immediately after the Teheran Conference which everybody thought had established the best possible relations between the USSR and the West. I personally did not believe that such good relations would last long; and, as events have shown, I wasn’t far wrong.
Steadman’s Animal Farm: A Fairy Story is spectacular in its entirety, should you be so fortunate to snag a used copy. Complement it with his illustrated edition of Alice in Wonderland and his inkblot dog drawings, then be sure to take a closer look at Orwell’s “The Freedom of the Press.”
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Adorno 《美學理論》 Exact Imagination , Late Work by Sherry Weber Nicholsen

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2013112日是東海大學58周年慶。沈金標兄給我們看某些師長們依然意氣風發。因人生是一藝術品,特譯此段給師友參考
『某件作品的優點,它的形式所達的層次,它內在的一貫性等,它們之能為人所辨識,通常要等到它的材料已舊了,或是我們知覺的中樞對於其立面的最明顯特徵都已無動於衷了……因為品質要從歷史過程中展開,並不只要靠該品質本身,更需要的是它隨後的變化以及讓那舊物能「浮雕」出來;也許品質和某消逝過程之間是有關係的。』-----Adorno 《美學理論》轉譯自 Exact Imagination , Late Work by Sherry Weber Nicholsen, The MIT Press, 1997, p.1

2015.4.15 重讀此書關於Thomas Mann的2頁。到臺大圖書館找Adorno 作品,發現討論他的書太多了。哈佛大學還翻譯一本介紹他是最後的天才的書。

Theodor W. Adorno : one last genius / Detlev Claussen ; translated by Rodney Livingstone
Cambridge, Mass. : Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2008  B3199.A34 C5813

仔細讀Adorno 《美學理論》的英譯資訊,英(1984)美(1996)各一本。
作者 : 阿多諾 
出版社:四川人民出版社譯者 : 王柯平出版年: 1998 頁數: 611 
180.11 1041  (臺大圖書館)
作者 : 阿多諾 
出版社:四川人民出版社譯者 : 王柯平出版年: 1998 頁數: 611 


美學理論/阿多諾(Theodor W. Adorno)/林宏濤,王華君譯

臺北市/美學書房/892000



細見和之 《阿多諾:非同一性哲學》石家莊:河北教育,2002 (有索引)


阿多諾美學論:雙重的作品政治(2版)作者: 陳瑞文,出版社:五南,2014 (阿多諾美學論:評論、模擬與非同一性,台北:左岸,2004)

狄奧多·阿多諾 ,別譯特奧多爾·W·阿多諾(Theodor Ludwig Wiesengrund Adorno, 1903年9月11日-1969年8月6日),德國社會學家,同時也是一位哲學家、音樂家以及作曲家。他是法蘭克福學派的成員之一,該學派的其他成員還包括了霍克海默本雅明馬庫色哈貝馬斯等人。他同時也擔任過「電台計畫」的音樂部主任。
在成為青年樂評以及業餘社會學家之前,阿多諾本質上是個哲學思想家。外界給予他「社會哲學家」這個稱號,是著重在他的哲學思想中關於社會批判的面向,其社會批判思想也讓他自1945年起在法蘭克福學派批判理論中取得顯赫的學術地位。

《坎特伯里故事集》;Troilus and Cressida (Chaucer)

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Tomorrow at 4:30PM the Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library will be hosting its History of the Book Lecture entitled "Chaucer in Fragments: Collating the Canterbury Tales." http://calendar.yale.edu/…/CAL-2c9cb3cd-4ab509a5-014a-e8d3…/
Image from the Beinecke Digital Collections.

Yale University Library 的相片。







的確,對那些充耳不聞的人說教,徒令自己受人討厭。
──傑弗里·喬叟(Chaucer)《坎特伯里故事集˙梅里白(Melibeus)的故事》
你那無價值的講演,令我雙耳疼痛。
──傑弗里·喬叟(Chaucer)《坎特伯里故事集˙梅里白(Melibeus)的故事》開場白


Chaucer’s stink-filled writing studio, Malarkey in heaven, Michel Houellebecq’s blues, and more in today's arts and culture news:http://bit.ly/1ABXEGO


From 1374 till 1386, Chaucer lived in a tower where the only natural light...
THEPARISREVIEW.ORG|由 TIERRA INNOVATION 上傳


「有一位法學家,是一個傑出的人物,審慎又聰明,經常參加有關法學的討論。他很賢明,能博得眾人的推崇……談吐精闢允當,當過巡迴法庭的審判官,受到皇家的委任,特准裁判所有性質不同的案件。由於他的學識和名望,領受許多酬勞和衣物。自從威廉一世以來,每一件官司的判例他都記得清清楚楚,每一條法令他都能逐字背誦。他所寫下的字據,誰也無法提出責難。他的才能極為高超,一份產業不管它附有何種條件,他總能使它取得絕對的權益,他的契據上,誰也找不出任何漏洞,再也沒有比他更忙碌的人了。」------喬叟·《坎特伯利故事集》

*****

solace, solas, duet, wretchedness

從影響研究到中國文學(論文集):施友忠教授九十壽慶論文集(1992)
作者:陳鵬翔,張靜二,施友忠
從影響研究到中國文學(論文集): - Google 圖書結果
solas 翻譯成 "娛樂的實質氣氛"?



solas
n.Solace. [Obs.] Chaucer.


solace
(sŏl'ĭspronunciation
n.
  1. Comfort in sorrow, misfortune, or distress; consolation.
  2. A source of comfort or consolation.
tr.v.-aced-ac·ing-ac·es.
  1. To comfort, cheer, or console, as in trouble or sorrow. See synonyms at comfort.
  2. To allay or assuage: "They solaced their wretchedness, however, by duets after supper" (Jane Austen).

Pride and prejudice - Google 圖書結果

Jane Austen - 1954 - Fiction - 160 頁
Bingley was quite uncomfortable; his sisters declared that they were miserable. They solaced their wretchednesshowever, by duets after supper ...
[Middle English solas, from Old French, from Latin sōlācium, from sōlārī, to console.]
solacer sol'ac·er n.
duet
[名]1 《音楽》二重唱(曲), 二重奏(曲).2 ((比喩))対話.du・et・tist[名]二重唱[奏]者.
duettist
[名]二重唱[奏]者.


((形式))[名]
1 [U](悲しみ・不運などに対する)慰め((for ...))
find [take (one's)] solace in reading
読書に慰めを見いだす.
2 ((a 〜))(人にとって)慰めとなるもの((to ...)).
━━[動](他)…を(…で)慰める, 〈悲しみ・苦痛を〉和らげる((with ...))
solace one's grief with drink
酒で悲しみを紛らす.
━━(自)慰めを得る, 慰めとなる.


wretchedness
n.
1. The quality or state of being wretched; utter misery. Sir W. Raleigh.
2. A wretched object; anything despicably. [Obs.]
Eat worms and such wretchedness.
Chaucer.



7. Title Page: Troilus and Criseyde

Medium: Wood Engraving
Date of Work: 1929


Edition Size:

400


Dimensions
(inches HxW)

7.21" x 4.48"

From Eric Gills Book of Engravings, published by Douglas Cleverdon, 1929.
Price: £150


Price inclusive of frame, VAT & UK shipping


杰弗里‧喬叟《特洛勒斯與克麗西德》(Troilus and Cressida)吳芬譯,北京:中國對外翻譯出版公司,1999。其中的「譯者序」:「……方重先生於50年代將喬叟的絕大多數作品以散文體翻成中文……」(p. XII)。

「時代錯置」(anachronism)這主題相當有趣,可參考錢鍾書《管錐篇(四)》有精彩事例說明(台北:書林版,pp. 1299-1305)





在文學術語上有人給詩人想像力更大的空間,可以有某種時空上的自由應用,稱為「詩的破格」(poetic license)。譬如說,杰弗里‧喬叟在特洛勒斯與克麗西德的「年代誤植」,可以被諒解。此行中的『上帝』即是年代誤植的一例,基督教的出現比特洛亞戰爭晚了一千餘年。((吳芬譯,北京:中國對外翻譯出版公司,1999,p. 47))」【順便記下一位翻譯者:「……方重先生於50年代將喬叟的絕大多數作品以散文體翻成中文……」(「譯者序」。p. XII)】






Troilus and Criseyde (Tr)及其他
Book 1 (Tr1)
Book 2 (Tr2)
Book 3 (Tr3)
Book 4 (Tr4)
Book 5 (Tr5)

最末處作者還抱怨抄書人的錯誤給他帶來許多麻煩......






Novel applications of the techniques of evolutionary biology

In the days before printing, manuscripts were copied by scribes, who introduced changes - either deliberately or accidentally. For a long time, scholars have used the distribution of variations among different extant versions of a text to determine which were copied from the same earlier version and produce a stemma (plural: stemmata), a tree showing these relationships. This is known as stemmatic analysis, and was pioneered by the German scholar Karl Lachmann in the 19th century.











The scribe Jean Mielot (from 'Scribes and Illuminators', C. de Hamel, British Museum Press).

Lord Denning 四書: 『家族故事』《法律的界碑》《法律的訓戒》The Due Process of Law

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我想起讀過英國大法官Denning著的『家族故事』(THE FAMILY STORY)(北京:法律出版社,2000)。世上能「自己」寫這種書的很少、很幸福…….

The Due Process of Law 1980 
法律的正當程序:除了一般的目錄和索引 ,類似的書還包括Content of Cases、後記中記他1979年的80生日所受的榮寵,簡直是令人大開眼界。
那年年末,追思他家2兄弟在第一次世界大戰中犧牲,令人神傷。
此書我有英文本,漢譯本收起來,所以以下的資訊是看了FT訪談李克強,提到此書,才加以補充:

李克強就讀中國這所最著名高等學府時,正趕上中國版的“開放”(glasnost)期,那是一段向長期被禁的西方政治思想敞開大門的非凡歲月。他與其他學生一道翻譯了已故英國資深法官丹寧勛爵(Lord Denning)所著的《法律的正當程序》(The Due Process of Law)。當時的同班同學說,李克強受到了一些自由派教授的影響,這些教授中的一些人篤信憲政民主。http://hcpeople.blogspot.tw/2012/11/li-keqiang.html

法律的正當程序




作者 : 丹寧勳爵
出版社:法律出版社原作名: The Due Process of Law 譯者 : 李克強 / 楊百揆 / 劉庸安出版年: 1999-11-1 頁數: 282 定價: 20.0

內容簡介  · · · · · ·

目錄  · · · · · ·

1原出版者前言
2丹寧勳爵和他的法學思想――代中譯本前言
3前言
4案例表
5第一篇保持日常司法工作的純潔性
6導言
7第一章面對法庭
8第二章侵害證人
9第三章拒絕回答問題
10第四章侮辱法庭



****

《法律的訓戒The Discipline of Law 收入《讀者文摘》199110月號,頁64

談判例「假使我們永遠不做從前沒做過的事,我們會永遠沒有進步。法律將會停滯不前而世界繼續前進。這對法律和世界都有害處。」


北京的出版社2011再
Lord Denning系列書 (除這本之外)

1984年的
Landmarks in the Law by Lord Denning, Alfred Thompson Dennin Denning, Bar
Written in Lord Denning's familiar vivid, staccato style, Landmarks in the Law discusses cases and characters whose names will be known to all readers, grouped together under headings such as High Treason, Freedom of the Press, and Murder. Thus, for example, the chapter on High Treason tells the stories of Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Roger Casement, and William Joyce--three very different cases, the first occurring nearly 350 years before the last, but each one raising constitutional issues of the greatest importance.此書缺索引表示北京的法律出版社為善不卒

《法律的界碑》雖然是一本法律著作,但作者巧妙地把歷史和現在的一些界碑性的案件串在一起,用來說明現在英國的一些重要的法律原則。這一樁樁案件像一個個小故事,再加上作者丹寧勳爵從法律角度加以權威性的評點,讀來饒有趣味。你可以隨意瀏覽。在火車上或在睡覺前……  作者簡介 · · · · · ·Lord Denning 英國20世紀最偉大的法律改革家目錄 · · · · · ·第一篇 叛國罪第二篇 刑訊和受賄第三篇 大法官的腳 one of the historic criticisms of equity as it developed was that it had no fixed rules of its own and each Lord Chancellor (who traditionally administered the courts of equity on behalf of the King) gave judgment according to his own conscience. John Selden, an eminent seventeenth century jurist, declared, "Equity varies with the length of the Chancellor's foot."



第四篇 殉道者第五篇 集會自由第六篇 ​​婚姻事務第七篇 個人自由第八篇 國際恐怖主義第九篇 普通搜捕令第十篇 出版自由第十一篇 迫害第十二篇 謀殺第十三篇 我審判過的最重的案件
.

Table Of Contents

Part One.
High Treason
Part Two.
Torture and Bribery
Part Three.
The Chancellor's Foot
Part Four.
Martyrdom
Part Five.
Freedom of Assembly
Part Six.
Matrimonial Affairs
Part Seven.
Freedom of the Individual
Part Eight.
International Terrorism
Part Nine.
General Warrants
Part Ten.
Freedom of the Press
Part Eleven.
Persecution
Part Twelve.
Murder
Part Thirteen.
My Most Important Case
Epilogue
Index

Lord Denning, OM
The Lord Denning, the former Master of the Rolls, who has died aged 100, was one of the outstanding judges of the century and a fearless champion of the rights of the common man.
Lord Denning

12:01AM GMT 06 Mar 1999
"Unlike my brother judge here, who is concerned with law," he once teased at a legal dinner, "I am concerned with justice."
Whenever "Tom" Denning was faced with a situation that seemed to him dishonest, unjust or wrong, all his ingenuity and erudition would be directed to finding a remedy, even if the wrongdoer appeared to have the law on his side.
This was particularly the case when some powerful institution seemed to be oppressing a smaller body or individual. As Master of the Rolls from 1962 to 1982 - the length of the term inspired the jest that he possessed every Christian virtue save that of resignation - Denning was well placed to combat the insolence of office.
The Court of Appeal, over which he presided, heard some 800 cases every year, compared with a mere 50 or 60 which reached the House of Lords. In Denning's own words it "really does lay down the law in civil cases in this country".
Its leader, therefore, could put Government ministers in their place. "A practice seems to have grown up," Denning remarked in 1964, in resisting a claim that an official document should be privileged from disclosure, "that all a Home Secretary has to do is to give a certificate and pronounce a spell to make it taboo."
Denning was sometimes regarded as prejudiced against trade unions, but in 1972, in the first case under the Heath Government's Industrial Relations Act, his judgment in the Court of Appeal that a union was not responsible for the conduct of its shop stewards completely undermined the new legislation. Although the decision was reversed in the Lords, the authority of the Act had been irrevocably compromised.
Yet when Denning considered that the demands of trade unions were extortionate he did not hesitate to attack their statutory immunity. Thus in Duport Steels Ltd v Sirs (1980), the Court of Appeal granted an injunction which effectively denied the right of secondary picketing.
Again the decision was reversed in the House of Lords, but later that year the Employment Act upheld Denning's position by making secondary picketing illegal. Lord Denning defeated, as one QC pointed out, was often simply the prelude to Lord Denning triumphant.
Denning's devotion to justice was rooted in his strong faith. "Without religion there is no morality," he wrote, "and without morality there is no law." For many years he was president of the Lawyers' Christian Fellowship, and he liked to have the Bible close to hand when writing judgments. "It is the most tattered book in my library," he said.
Even with divine aid, though, a man requires a remarkable combination of qualities to circumvent successfully the rules of English law. Denning had absorbed vast learning, and his quick, powerful, practical mind excelled in reducing issues to their essentials.
Readers of his judgments can see quickly and clearly the controversial points of a case, and the reasons which led him to his decisions. If he jumped over a gap in the argument with an assertion of questionable validity, the gap was there for all to see, never hidden in a mass of verbiage.
Denning's style, whether in his judgments or in his books, was always simple, clear, vigorous and direct. He used short sentences in which adjectives, sometimes even verbs, were at a premium; and he liked to present the facts in the form of a story.
"It happened on April 19 1964. It was bluebell time in Kent", began his judgment in Hinz v Berry (1970). "In summertime, village cricket is a delight to everyone" was the opening of his summary in Miller v Jackson (1977).
There were critics who kept a stern eye on Denning and his concept of justice - which he defined as the solution that the majority of right-minded people would consider fair.
In a parliamentary democracy, it was argued, a judge had no right to stretch the interpretation of precedents to an extent that destroyed certainty and virtually amounted to the creation of new law.
On several occasions Denning was rebuked by the House of Lords, but once satisfied that he had found the right answer he was confident enough to be entirely unperturbed by disapproval in high places. "If our liberties had to be protected by them [the House of Lords]," he wrote, "they would prove a leaky umbrella."
When Denning failed to carry his fellow judges with him, he liked to leave markers for the future in his dissenting judgments. In Candler v Crane, Christmas & Co (1951), for example, he held that a firm of accountants owed a duty of care not only to their clients but also to any third party to whom they showed the accounts. This opinion would prove a landmark in extending the scope of negligence - though it was 12 years before the House of Lords adopted his reasoning.
Denning's judgments, framed to reflect his own moral intuitions in particular cases, did not always make good precedents. But his word came to carry an authority difficult to sweep aside.
"Until the judges become, like Lord Denning, a national institution," Lord Hailsham of St Marylebone ruefully reflected when Lord Chancellor, "they cannot answer back." And Lord Scarman characterised the post-war period in the law as that of "legal aid, law reform and Lord Denning".
Yet it was in a non-judicial role that Denning first became a household name. In June 1963 the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, asked him to undertake the inquiry into the security risks arising from the resignation of the Secretary of State for War, John Profumo.
"The Denning Report", published the next September, became an instant best-seller. Its chapter headings would have passed muster in any twopenny thriller: "Christine tells her Story", "The Meeting of the Five Ministers, "The Slashing and the Shooting", "The Man in the Mask".
The text matched these promises of sensation. Readers discovered that, on Denning's suggestion, a Cabinet minister had submitted his genitals to inspection by a Harley Street specialist in order to clear himself of the charge of being "the headless man" in an obscene photograph.
Some felt that Denning's innate puritanism rendered him unfit for such an investigation. The report made unsubstantiated allegations against Stephen Ward, and a photograph of Christine Keeler, who was indeed very attractive, provoked him to comment that there was no doubt about the nature of her profession.
But Mandy Rice-Davies spoke for many when she remarked that Denning was "quite the nicest judge I ever met".
THE REPORT laid blame squarely on Profumo for lying to his colleagues about the nature of his association with Christine Keeler - though the Prime Minister and his colleagues were criticised for failing to respond adequately to evidence of the minister's adultery.
For all Denning's willingness to confront governments, he remained fiercely patriotic. "There are many things in life more worthwhile than money," he told the Appeal Court in 1968 (though he himself was inclined to be tight with the cash). "One is to be brought up in this our England which is still the envy of less happier lands."
To the students of Lincoln's Inn, Denning quoted with gusto Lord Chief Justice Mansfield's peroration on the freeing of slaves: "The air of England has long been too pure for a slave and every man is free who breathes it. Every man who comes to England is entitled to the protection of English law whatever the colour of his skin . . . Let the Negro be discharged."
Towards the end of his life, though, Denning's nationalism could lead him into egregious error. In 1977, when the Birmingham Six applied to Denning for legal aid in an action against the police for injuries received while in custody, their request was summarily refused.
If the Six were to win, Denning explained with breathtaking aplomb, that would imply that the police had been guilty of perjury and violence. The Six might have to be pardoned, - a prospect which, the Master of the Rolls opined, no sensible person could entertain.
Some of the obiter dicta in Denning's books also gave cause for doubting his impartiality. In What Next In The Law (1982), he seemed to imply that some immigrants were not suitable to serve on juries as they did not have the same standard of conduct as English whites.
He further suggested that, in the trials following the Bristol riots of 1980, there had been attempts to pack the jury with coloured people in order to secure favourable verdicts.
Inevitably, there was an outcry, and Denning, then 83, realised that he had finally come to the end of the line. It was a sad denouement for a man with friends of all races and colours, who had done so much to promote legal education throughout the Commonwealth.
Private Eye summed up the situation with a cartoon which showed two barristers reading the headline "Denning To Retire". "I expect," observed one to the other, "the House of Lords will overrule his decision".
Alfred Thompson Denning was born at Whitchurch, Hampshire, on January 23 1899, the fourth of five sons of Charles Denning, a draper, and his wife Clara.
The Dennings claimed an illustrious past. A direct ancestor, Sir Sydenham Poyntz, commanded the Parliamentary forces at the battle of Rowton Heath in the Civil War, and later became Governor of Antigua; his brother Newdigate Poyntz fought for the King.
Around 1720, Sir Sydenham's grand-daughter eloped with a Richard Denning. In 1806 the Poyntz Dennings had their coat of arms registered at the College of Arms, but next year the family estates disappeared into the Court of Chancery, never to re-emerge.
Lord Denning's great-grandfather and grandfather were organists in Gloucestershire. His father, Charles Denning, was born at Leckhampton, although his apprenticeship took him to Lincoln, where he became engaged to Clara Thompson, a schoolmistress and daughter of a coal merchant.
It was very much a match of opposites: Charles, a humorous, easy-going man, with a penchant for poetry; Clara, a keen business woman with a backbone of steel, who intended her sons to be successes.
Though the family never lived in straitened circumstances - at times there was a maid - and pleasure was not entirely eschewed, the virtues of application and endeavour were soundly inculcated, with impressive results.
The second son, Reg, became a lieutenant-general, and the youngest, Norman, a vice-admiral and Chief of Naval Intelligence. The eldest, Jack, was killed in 1916, leading his men into action at Geuedecourt; the third boy, Gordon, a midshipman at Jutland, died of tuberculosis contracted during his naval service. "They were the best of us," Denning would say of his dead brothers.
Young Tom was considered by his mother to be the weakest of the brood. Nevertheless, after being educated at the local Whitchurch elementary school and at the grammar school in Andover, he served on the Western Front.
In the spring of 1918 he joined the 151st Field Company of the Royal Engineers, which was building bridges across the River Ancre under heavy fire. Denning escaped without injury, though he spent Armistice Day in hospital with the exceptionally fierce influenza that took even greater toll than the war.
HE RETURNED to take a First in mathematics at Magdalen College, Oxford, notwithstanding his diffidence about being a grammar school boy in a rich man's college.
For a brief time afterwards he taught at Winchester, where, so legend has it, he had difficulty in keeping order.
"I feel that I don't want to settle down here doing the same thing day after day, a very mediocre schoolmaster with no ambition or hope," he wrote to his future wife.
In 1921, therefore, he returned to Magdalen and next year gained another First, this time in Law. It was achieved despite a gamma in Jurisprudence - "too abstract a subject for my liking" - and a tutor whom he described as "the most ignorant man I ever met".
In the autumn of 1923 Denning joined the distinguished list of those who have failed the All Souls prize fellowship exam. But in June of that year he had been called to the Bar by Lincoln's Inn, after coming top in the Bar exams.
The essential qualities for success at the Bar, Denning believed, were good sense and a pleasing manner. He was well blessed with both of them.
He practised on the Western Circuit and in London, and dedicated "much research" to helping Sir Thomas Willes Chitty edit the 13th edition of Smith's Leading Cases on the Common Law. This task, he later claimed, "taught me most of the law I ever knew"; and even as a tyro Denning did not hesitate, in his glosses on the cases, to suggest new principles of law.
His practice was broad and grew steadily, until in 1938, when he was earning more than pounds 3,000 a year, he felt secure enough to take Silk. Though his salary did not actually decrease with his elevation, as often happens, he never commanded colossal fees.
On the outbreak of the Second World War, Denning immediately volunteered for service, but was rejected as too old. So he continued to practice law until December 1943, when he made his debut on the Bench as a Commissioner of Assize in Manchester for three weeks, replacing a judge taken ill. Then in March 1944 Lord Simon appointed him a High Court Judge in the Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Division.
"Thank goodness I only did Divorce for 18 months," Denning later reflected; he found the work "sordid in the extreme". Firmly committed himself to family life, he naturally tended to look askance at whatever threatened it.
He pronounced an unmarried woman who had been found with a man in her room at a teacher training college to be "quite unsuitable" for teaching. In another case he deemed it "a shocking thing" that a man had had himself sterilised.
Denning held that a divorced person should not be made a divorce judge. His own service in this role ended in October 1945 when Lord Chancellor Jowitt, under whom he had often served as a junior, transferred him to the King's Bench Division. But Denning had not altogether finished with divorce: in June 1946 Jowitt appointed him to chair the Committee on Procedure in Matrimonial Causes.
"No committee has ever worked so quickly or so well," the chairman recorded. It made three main recommendations, all of which were accepted, notably that the period between decree nisi and decree absolute should be reduced from six months to six weeks.
Throughout his career Denning worked determinedly to improve the position of the deserted wife, seeking to establish her equity in the matrimonial home. His efforts were invariably overruled, and he received some irate letters.
"You are a disgrace to all mankind," wrote one outraged husband, "to let these women break up homes and expect us chaps to keep them while they rob us of what we have worked for. I only hope you have the same trouble as us." Denning's views, however, were eventually enshrined in the Matrimonial Causes Act of 1967.
As an Assize judge he found himself obliged on occasion to sentence men to death; it was only later in his life that he concluded that capital punishment was morally wrong. And in the case of a youth who had hit an old woman over the head in order to steal pounds 20, he did not hesitate to order 25 strokes of the birch.
In civil cases Denning immediately showed an extraordinary resourcefulness in manipulating the law to the end which he desired. In Central London Property Trust v High Trees House Ltd (1947), he overruled the established Common Law tradition that variations in a lease must be made by deed, in favour of the principle that that a mere promise to vary should be kept when another party had relied upon it to his detriment.
Promotion continued to come swiftly: in October 1948, after only four and a half years as a trial judge, Denning was elevated to the Court of Appeal. In 1957 he was made a Lord of Appeal in Ordinary, with the usual life peerage attached to that office. But five years later, he moved back to the Court of Appeal as Master of the Rolls.
The appointment reflected tensions of a personal and professional nature. Denning did not enjoy his time in the House of Lords: "To most lawyers on the Bench," he remarked, "the House of Lords is like heaven - you want to get there some day - but not while there is any life in you."
Some of his colleagues in the House of Lords looked askance at his maverick zeal. Denning declared in his autobiography that he was accused of "heresy" by Lord Chancellor Simonds, and "verbally beheaded". It was probably a relief to all when, in 1962, he took Sir Raymond Evershed's place as Master of the Rolls.
This official still retains vestigial traces of his ancient function as keeper of the rolls, being head of the Public Record Office, and chairman of both the Advisory Committee on Public Records and the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts. Denning, who was deeply interested in the history of the English law, took these duties extremely seriously.
In 1965 he played a leading part in the 750th celebrations of the Magna Carta, both at the Law Courts and at Runnymede.
Denning became a Bencher of Lincoln's Inn in 1944 and was Treasurer in 1972. He was also the principal founder of the British Institute of Comparative and International Law (which absorbed the Grotius Society).
He was appointed to the Order of Merit in November 1997.
In 1963, when a large house called The Lawn came up for sale at Whitchurch, Denning seized the opportunity to move from his home at Cuckfield, West Sussex, and return to his birthplace.
He fought hard to preserve the character of Whitchurch, taking a dispute with Hampshire County Council over two footpaths into a magistrates' court when he was 88. His claim was dismissed, but he had the satisfaction of seeing his opponents made responsible for repair and maintenance.
Readers of The Daily Telegraph's correspondence column were regularly treated to doses of Denning's common sense.
An interview with the Spectator in August 1990, however, proved less happy. The Guildford Four had just been released from jail after 15 years on grounds that their original conviction had been unjust. Denning, however, refused to be grateful that the death sentence had not been applied. "They'd probably have hanged the right men," he considered. "Not proved against them, that's all."
Denning was blessed with two exceptionally happy marriages. He married first, in 1932, his childhood sweetheart Mary Harvey, whose father had been Vicar of Whitchurch - though she only agreed to have him after years of unsuccessful sighing. They had a son, but her health was never good, and she died in 1941.
Lord Denning married secondly, in 1945, Joan Stuart, a widow with two daughters and a son. She died in 1992.





The Due Process of Law

ISBN13: 9780406176080ISBN10: 0406176086Paperback, 292 pages
4/8/2005,


Description

Two central themes run through The Due Process of Law. The first is the workings of the various "measures authorised by the law so as to keep the streams of justice pure"--that is to say, contempt of court, judicial inquiries, and powers of arrest and search. The second is the recent development of family law, focusing particularly on Lord Denning's contribution to the law of husband and wife. These broad themes are elaborated through a discussion of Lord Denning's own judgments and opinions on a wide range of topics.

Product Details

292 pages;


Table of Contents

Part One.
Keeping the streams of justice pure and clean
Introduction
1.In the face of the Court
2.The victimisation of witnesses
3.Refusing to answer questions
4.Scandalising the Court
5.Disobedience to an order of the Court
6.Prejudicing a fair trial
Conclusion
Part Two.
Inquiries into conduct
Introduction
1.Into the conduct of judges
2.Into the conduct of ministers
3.Into the conduct of directors
4.Into the conduct of gaming clubs
5.Into the conduct of aliens
6.Into the delays of lawyers
Part Three.
Arrest and Search
Introduction
1.Making an arrest
2.Making a search
3.New procedures
Part Four.
The Mareva injunction
Introduction
1.We introduce the process
2.We are reversed
Part Five.
Entrances and exits
Introduction
1.The common law about aliens
2.Commonwealth citizens
3.Exits
Part Six.
Ventures into Family Law
1.How I learned the trade
2.The story of emancipation
Part Seven.
The deserted wife's equity
Introduction
1.Invoking Section 17 of the 1882 Act
2.Invoking the aid of equity
3.The Lords triumphant
4.Lady Summerskill takes charge
Part Eight.
The wife's share in the home
1.The judges introduce it
2.The wide principle of fairness
3.The trust concept
4.Where there is no financial contribution
Conclusion
Epilogue
Index

此書法律書局也有漢譯

Don Quixote《唐吉訶德》

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Gutenberg EBook of Don Quixote, by Miguel de Cervantes
塞萬堤斯(1547-1616)《唐吉訶德》(Don Quixote de la Mancha, 1605/1615

「不久以前,有位紳士住在拉‧曼卻的一個村上,村名我不想提了。」(楊絳本,與該書引的西班牙標點有異;然而,另一屠孟超翻譯的情形一樣……)

他們能記著的首句如:
「不久以前,有位紳士住在拉‧曼卻的一個村上,村名我不想提了,他那類紳士,一般都有一隻長槍插在槍架上,有一面古老的盾牌、一匹瘦馬和一隻獵狗。」(楊絳本) 



Source: Miguel de Cervantes:Don Quixote Chapter XI 
The busy and sagacious bees fixed their republic in the clefts of the rocks and hollows of the trees, offering without usance the plenteous produce of their fragrant toil to every hand.
勤勞和智慧的蜜蜂在石縫和樹洞裡建立了共和國,它們無比甜蜜的工作收穫豐富,請大家分享,毫不計較利息。(楊絳譯) 
*****
2004/6/24 晨聽wqxr播Strauss, Richard的Don Quixote, Op 35 Metropolitan Opera Orchestra
指揮Levine Jerry; Grossman, cello;Raymond Gniewek, violin;Michael Ouzounian, viola



『觀念史大辭典』辭條fool(hc按:此項目中文版未翻譯)之結語:

Significantly, the last of the great Renaissance fools,
Don Quixote, who rides forth as the age of humanism
is drawing to a close, is known to the world not for 
his jesting motley but for his mournful countenance.
To be sure, his companion, Sancho Panza, is something
of a court jester without the office—or the court; but
by the beginning of the seventeenth century the pro- 
fessional fool had almost had his day. Even his parti-
colored costume only partially survives in the Com-
media dell'Arte. The concept of folly, however, was far
from dead. For fools, whether specifically identified as 
such or not, have continued down the centuries to call
into question the claims of learning, religion, and civi-
lization. Whenever human reason has most proudly
vaunted its achievements, it has been inevitably chal- 
lenged by the mocking laughter of the wise fool. Long
after the Renaissance fool had made his exit from the
scene, from Grimmelshausen and Molière and Swift
to Dostoevsky's Prince Myshkin and Hauptmann's 
Emanuel Quint and Yeats's Crazy Jane, the idea of the
wisdom of folly has persisted.

小註:
◎Johann Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen (1622-1676) Der Abenteuerliche Simplicissimus 李 淑・潘 再平訳『格
裏美爾業森著《癡児西木伝》;《阿呆物語》望月市恵 訳岩波文庫上中下巻 

◎ Prince Myshkin 為俄國明小說家杜斯陀也夫斯基小說《白痴》人物

◎Hauptmann, Gerhart 為諾貝爾獎得主。最著名的小說為The novel Der Narr in Christo, Emanuel Quint (1910; The Fool in Christ, Emanuel Quint) depicts, in a modern parallel to the life of Christ, the passion of a Silesian 

****
Colm Tóibín on French artist Charles Coypel's illustrations of Don Quixote

A brilliantly coherent show at the Frick explores the French artist Charles Coypel's remarkable illustrations of Don Quixote.
NYBOOKS.COM

二本《陳省身文選》《陳省身文選:傳記、通俗演講及其他》

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0
 二本《陳省身文選》基本相同
聯經本後出版稍微改善/豐富


幾年前 陳先生在南開過世 他不會料到台灣海峽是"一邊一國"....當然 可能只有數學無國界....可以"獨自"做學問



南方周末:一生只做一件事
來源: 南開新聞網  發稿時間: 2011-09-28 17:12

  □本報駐京記者南香紅
  人生選擇只有一個方向
  陳省身基本上是個少年天才。
  他只上過一天小學。8歲那年,陳省身才去浙江秀水縣城今嘉興市裡的縣立小學上學。可那天下午放學時,不知什麼緣故,老師卻用戒尺挨個打學生的手心。陳省身雖然因為老實沒挨打,可這件事卻對他刺激太大,從此便不肯再邁進小學校門一步。第二年他考入中學,4年中學之後,於15歲考入南開大學理學院本科。
  在南開,陳省身先生做出主修數學的第一次選擇。一方面是因為他的數學能力一向比較好,另一方面則是由於他上第一堂化學實驗課,在吹玻璃管時手足無措,而助教又是嚴厲著名、外號叫“趙老虎”的。從此他對理化充滿畏懼。看來每考數學“必是王牌”的他,是為數學而準備的。
  陳省身19歲時考入清華大學讀碩士。在清華時的陳省身,對微分幾何充滿了嚮往,但未曾入門。“那時候的心情,是遠望著一座美麗的高山,還不知如何可以攀登。”
  陳省身聽了德國漢堡大學數學家W.布拉施克的“微分幾何的拓樸問題”,決定去漢堡讀書。當時美國退還了庾子賠款的餘額,用此款資助的學子是要到美國讀書的,而且當時的許多留學生一般也都願意去美國,但陳省身認為,讀數學必須去德國。這是他又一次主動的選擇。在他的堅持和前輩的幫助下,最後終於如願以償。
  漢堡道路的選擇使他有幸接觸了布拉施克、E.凱勒、E.嘉當等世界最偉大的數學家的思想和學術。
  在漢堡大學開設嘉當-凱勒定理討論班時,一開始幾乎所有的人都來了,但因為艱澀難懂,最後只剩下陳省身一個人,就在那時他懂得了嘉當的魅力。
  1936年,陳省身的公費期滿,接到清華的聘約,但他決定去巴黎跟嘉當先生工作一年。“這對於我在數學上的研究發展來說確是決定性的一年。”
  決定性的一年
  1937年陳省身回到國內,正值抗日戰爭爆發,戰爭幾乎會影響和改變每個人的命運,但是戰爭卻沒有影響陳省身的數學方向。
  陳省身隨西南聯大南遷。“設備圖書什麼都沒有,條件差,也沒房子,記得我和華羅庚、王信忠先生擠在一個房間,因為地方小,連箱子裡的一點書都不願意打開。但就是在這樣的環境裡,也能做出成績來。”
  陳省身在昆明的煤油燈下寫出的兩篇文章,發表在普林斯頓大學與高級研究所合辦的刊物《數學紀事》上,數學家H.外爾和A.韋伊認為陳省身的研究工作達到了“優異數學水準”。遂極力促成陳省身來普林斯頓。他們認為陳省身是“迄今所注意到的最有前途的中國數學家”。
  雖然美國捲入戰爭,但普林斯頓卻因戰爭得福,愛因斯坦、馮.諾依曼、E.諾特等因猶太人或與猶太人有關的受迫害科學家的加盟,使普林斯頓取代歐洲而成為世界數學中心。
  陳省身決定從昆明前往美國的普林斯頓。那時的整個世界都陷入大戰中,去美國的途徑是從昆明飛印度,然後再坐船經過大西洋到達,但是“想到德國潛水艇的活躍,這條路自然有相當危險,但我決心赴美,不顧一切困難”。這一次的離別,陳省身甚至無法先回上海和妻子幼兒告別。陳省身選擇了乘坐美國飛虎隊的軍用飛機走西線前往美國。就算是乘坐軍用飛機也是非常艱難的旅行。軍用飛機每到一個空軍基地,乘坐者就要在基地的房子住下,然後拿一個條子看佈告,有自己的名字,就繼續往前飛一段。這樣,經印度、中非、南大西洋、巴西到達美國。前後用了一個星期,陳省身終於到達美國。
  1943年,無疑是陳省身一鳴驚人的一年。這一年,32歲的陳省身在美國普林斯頓高級研究所完成了關於高斯-博內公式的簡單內蘊證明,這篇論文被譽為數學史上劃時代的論文,這是陳省身一生中最重要的數學工作,因此,他後來被國際數學界尊稱為“微分幾何之父”。
  我得力於吾國兩名成語自勵,即'日新日日新'的精神和登峰造極的追求。”陳省身說。
  一片安靜的天地
  陳省身在一篇文章寫了一個故事:有一次他和夫人去參觀羅漢塔,看著看著突發感慨:“無論數學做得怎樣好,頂多是做個羅漢。菩薩大家都知道他的名字,羅漢誰也不知道那個是哪個人。所以不要把名利看得太重。”他認為數學的菩薩是黎曼和龐加萊。黎曼不斷地開拓了數學的空間,龐加萊把數學的平面和空間推廣到了N維,因為有了這兩位,其他人的工作只能是“羅漢”。
  名利從來不是陳省身的追求。“我讀數學沒有什麼雄心,我只是想懂得數學,如果一個人的目的是名利,數學不是一條捷徑。”陳省身說自己做學問從來不趕最時髦,不搶熱門。他不喜歡奧斯卡獲獎影片《美麗心靈》講述的數學家納什的故事,他說他和納什很熟悉,但他和納什完全不一樣。“他是個怪人,他的數學是很好的,但他始終要做難題,想做難題出名,最後做得一塌糊塗。”
  “數學沒有諾貝爾獎是一件幸事。”陳省身說過,數學有很多簡單而困難的問題。這些問題使人廢寢忘食,多年或經年不決,一旦發現了光明,其快樂是不可形容的。“這是一片安靜的天地,沒有大獎,也是一個平等的世界。”
  1984年陳省身出任了南開大學數學所所長。他在給南開大學副校長胡國華的信中描述他心中的數學殿堂:有一個供人隨意起坐的房間,人們在這可以隨意討論;研究室的三面牆都要是高品質的黑板,人們可在上面隨便地演算;要有圖書室。
  “要在國內成立一個基地,培養第一流的數學人才。那基地需有一流的設備,友善的空氣。使人工作其中,覺得快樂。”
  數學之美
  陳省身說,自己一生只會做一件事,就是數學。天下美妙的事件不多,數學就是這樣美妙的事之一。
  在陳省身92歲的時候,他自費製作了一些挂歷,向公眾普及數學知識,這本挂歷的名字就叫做“數學之美”。
  1975年,諾貝爾物理獎得主楊振寧讀懂了陳省身-韋伊定理,他感到“真的有觸電的感覺”。而且還不止於此,“還有更深的,更觸及心靈深處的地方:到頭來,忽然間領悟到,客觀的宇宙奧秘與純粹用優美這一價值觀念發展出來的數學觀念竟然完全吻合,那真是令人感到悚然。這種感受恐怕和最高的宗教感是相同的吧”。
  讓楊振寧感到驚異的是他和陳省身在不同的領域裡研究了20多年,最終竟然“天下歸一”。楊馬上開著車到陳的寓所,“我們談了很久,談到朋友、親人及中國”並提出了一個迷惑他的問題:數學家為什麼會憑空夢想出這些概念?
  陳省身回答:“不,不。這些概念不是夢想出來的,它們是自然的,也是實在的。”
  他的數學和生活混在一起無法分開。“有人問我,每天工作多少小時?沒法子說,我一直在想。”
  也許是因為深切體會到了數學之美,陳省身擁有一個幾乎完美的人生。從20多歲入數學之門直到93歲去世,他的腦子像一架機器一樣一直為數學運算了70多年。
  本文打引號部分出自《陳省身文集》(華東師範大學出版社)
  參考《陳省身傳》,張奠宙、王善平著特此致謝



《陳省身文選:傳記通俗演講及其他》北京:科學出版社1989

前言
1傳記
2兩位老師的教學工作
3在國際數學大會的報告
4其他報告
5書序288
6展望304
附錄
人名索引
編後記


陳省身 1987年在新竹清華講我的若干數學生涯
講1930年代北京的學生的一個說法:
北大有胡適之 清華有體育館"
----《陳省身文選

  • 作者:陳省身/著
  • 台北:聯經出版公司 頁56
  • 出版日期:1993年
這是一本數學家談數學的文選,是一本以通俗文字討論專業問題的文集。「傳記」部分評述作者學術生涯及師友交遊的情形,生動的刻劃一代數學大師從誕生到 圓熟的心路歷程;「通俗」演講則以微分幾何為中心,深入淺出的介紹二十世紀幾何學的研究趨勢與成果,並指出日後努力的方向。前輩學者期許中國成為數學大國 的心情,溢乎言表。全書兼具科學、人文、教育及史料價值,從事數學研究與教學者,固然受用匪淺;當作成功者的傳記來看,亦無不可。


作者/譯者/編者.簡介
中國最著名的大數學家陳省身教授,1911年10月26日誕生於浙江省嘉興縣。 15歲入天津南開大學數學系,23歲留德,25歲得博士,即從法國大數學家嘉當(Cartan)遊。陳先生才高八斗,文旌所至,世界數壇為之震動。陳先生 傳世文章百餘篇,美國博士弟子41人,國人如楊振寧、王浩、吳文俊、丘成桐等皆受教。先生流風廣被,當今中國數學家可謂人人受惠。先生復有長才,各方殷望 借重,因此先後創始了中研究數學所、柏克萊數學所、南開大學數學所。  陳先生性格淡泊,也以此教人,平生得獎無數,如沃爾夫國際大獎等,也不以為意。一 代大數學家,高山仰止,不僅是經師而且是人師。



陳省身教授的講話
諸位朋友們:
今天很高興來參加薑先生一百週年紀念會。 到此地對於我來講有非常多的感慨,因為我頭一次上姜先生的課是1927年,那時候我在讀南開大學二年級,姜先生剛巧到廈門大學請假一年回到南開,我想我上的課是高等微積分。 我們今天看見這麼多的人參加這個紀念會,中國有這樣大的數學隊伍,而我當時在南開的時候,我和吳先生是同班,我們班上學數學的學生只有五個人。 我今天看見了王端馴女士,她比我高一年,她也是南開數學系的,我想她這班念數學的人大概只有一兩個。 所以我完全同意吳先生所說的話,中國在六十多年以來有非常大的進步。 姜先生一向對於我的學業很注意,並且待我很好,我上了他一年課之後,就做了南開大學數學系的助手,替姜先生改卷子。 他那時一個星期三堂課,每堂課都有習題,每堂課都要改卷子。 我一個月拿十塊錢,工資是十塊錢,非常快活。 剛才講姜先生的業績,他是中國近代數學非常重要的創始人。 因此,南開數學系在中國近代數學發展中起了一個很大的作用,大部分都是姜先生的功勞。 他的業績吳先生剛才已經講得很詳細了。 我特別願意講一講吳先生所提的第五點。 我想我們紀念姜先生,對於姜先生最可以敬愛佩服的,是他的為人和他的道德。 在我做學生的時候,一九二九年,胡適先生曾有篇文章。 我是十分敬仰胡適先生的。 他的話我大多都同意(不過這個就不提了),至少這篇文章,他講中國有兩位現代聖人,一位是張元濟先生,他當時是上海商務印書館的總編輯,是戊戌維新的參加者。 因此他丟了官,後來對於中國的教育文化做了很重要的工作,尤其是商務印書館的工作。 第二位是姜立夫先生。 他所提的現代兩位聖人中,姜立夫先生是其中的一位。 姜先生最大的好處,剛才吳先生已經提過了,是他的公正、無私,對於許多事情他邪正分別得很清楚,但是他不大表示。 有時候他是比較內向的一個人,但對於是與不是,他的界限看得非常分明。 因為這個原因,國內科學界、教育界信任他。 所以在很多年的時間裡,姜先生是中國數學界最主要的領袖,國家關於數學的許多大政方針都是姜先生在領頭。 姜先生是一個很儉樸的人,我們當時上課,我不大注意人的衣著,不過姜立夫先生西服褲的底腳離地面很遠,就是說完全是件不時髦的老西服。 在這點上我更同情他,因為我那時的同學,像吳大任他們都穿西服褲。 我是唯一的男學生不穿西服褲的。 你們知道我那時候的褲子是媽媽做的,一摺拿帶子一捆。 我也不抗議,從小起就這麼一捆,沒有理由要改,所以這一點我很同情他。 我覺得姜先生處事哲學是要做一個平凡的人,他就是要平平凡凡守住他的崗位,在南大做這個數學“舞台”,教了學生把戲唱起來,所以他所做的就是在他的崗上,把事情踏踏實實做好。 我想在當今這個時代,這點是很要緊的。 對於現代的中國是很有眼光的思想。 我個人總想,如果我們現在每個人都守住這個信條,自己就是個平凡的人,把本份的事情做好,中國就有希望了。 我想每個人把本分的事情做好了,中國就有希望了。 我也沒什麼別的話講。 今天大家都很高興,謝謝大家! (根據錄音整理)
1989.10.16





Thomas Carlyle's Sartor Resartus 裁縫哲學/Separates can still be smart

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感謝RL提省 "請參考 tailleur或許幫得上"
雖然我不懂法文
不過它提醒我一本Thomas Carlyle 的名著 " Sartor Resartus" -- 這本是李登輝先生那一輩的知識份子必讀的書 台灣也有漢譯本 (待找)


裁縫哲學 ,李約翰譯, 台北:阿爾泰出版社 ,1979【裝幀項】:19cm / 314頁

sartorial, sartorius, Sartor Resartus

sartorial

(sär-tôr'ē-əl, -tōr'-) pronunciation
adj.
Of or relating to a tailor, tailoring, or tailored clothing: sartorial elegance.

[From Late Latin sartor, tailor. See sartorius.
圖: http://www.google.com.tw/images?client=firefox-a&rls=org.mozilla%3Azh-TW%3Aofficial&hl=zh-TW&source=imghp&biw=1280&bih=835&q=sartorius&btnG=%E6%90%9C%E5%B0%8B%E5%9C%96%E7%89%87&gbv=2&aq=f&aqi=&aql=&oq=&gs_rfai=

(sär-tôr'ē-əs, -tōr'-) pronunciation
n., pl., -to·ri·i (-tôr'ē-ī, -tōr'-).
A flat narrow thigh muscle, the longest of the human anatomy, crossing the front of the thigh obliquely from the hip to the inner side of the tibia.

[New Latin, from Late Latin sartor, tailor (from its producing the cross-legged position of a tailor at work), from sartus, past participle of sarcīre, to mend.]]



Teufelsdröckh in Monmouth Street, illustration to Sartor Resartus by Edmund Joseph Sullivan.
Thomas Carlyle's major work, Sartor Resartus (meaning 'The tailor re-tailored'), first published as a serial in 1833-34, purported to be a commentary on the thought and early life of a German philosopher called Diogenes Teufelsdröckh (which translates as 'god-born devil-dung'), author of a tome entitled "Clothes: their Origin and Influence" , but was actually a poioumenon.*[1] Teufelsdröckh's Transcendentalist musings are mulled over by a skeptical English editor who also provides fragmentary biographical material on the philosopher. The work is, in part, a parody of Hegel, and of German Idealism more generally.


*Poioumenon (plural: poioumena; from Ancient Greekποιούμενον, "product") is a term coined by Alastair Fowler to refer to a specific type of metafiction in which the story is about the process of creation. According to Fowler, "the poioumenon is calculated to offer opportunities to explore the boundaries of fiction and reality—the limits of narrative truth."[30] In many cases, the book will be about the process of creating the book or includes a central metaphor for this process. Common examples of this are Thomas Carlyle's Sartor Resartus, and Laurence Sterne's Tristram Shandy, which is about the narrator's frustrated attempt to tell his own story. A significant postmodern example is Vladimir Nabokov's Pale Fire, in which the narrator, Kinbote, claims he is writing an analysis of John Shade's long poem "Pale Fire", but the narrative of the relationship between Shade and Kinbote is presented in what is ostensibly the footnotes to the poem. Similarly, the self-conscious narrator in Salman Rushdie's Midnight's Children parallels the creation of his book to the creation of chutney and the creation of independent India.

Read more: http://www.answers.com/topic/postmodern-literature#ixzz3XSmcxec0

Contents 

Publication history, themes and critical reception


Sartor Resartus

トマスCarlyle「sの専攻学生の仕事、 Sartor Resartus (意味「再合う」テーラー)、1833-34年に連続として最初に出版されて、ドイツの哲学者の思考そして早い生命の論評があることを意味される「神生ま れる」悪魔肥料をやりなさいように(翻訳するDiogenes Teufelsdrockhh)、「衣服と資格を与えられた巻の著者を電話した: 起源および影響。「Teufelsdröckh 先験論者 musingsはまた哲学者で断片的な伝記材料を提供する懐疑的な英国の編集者によって検討される。 仕事は、一部には、パロディのである Hegelおよびの ドイツの観念論もっと一般に。

目次


出版物の歴史、主題および重大な受信

Wikisourceこの記事と関連している原本を持っている:
Carlyleにひどい悩みが出版業者をのための見つけることをあった Sartor、こうしていくつかの異なった刊行日付は与えられ。 プロジェクトGutenberg例えばない出版されたときに、1831年として日付を与える、しかしそれはCarlyleがそれに書いた日付のようである。 Fraserの雑誌 1833-4年にそれおよびテキスト直列化される成功のために1838年に容積として、多分の出版された フランス革命 (1837年出版される)。
Sartor Resartus新しい一種の本があるように意図されていた: 同時に事実上および虚構、深刻および風刺的、推測的および歴史的。 それは皮肉にも形式的な構造の「直面させる読者に間真実」が見つけられる問題に自分自身でコメントした。 この点でそれは大いに先に使用される技術を開発する TristramのShandy関係している。 想像「衣服の哲学は」文化が変更の方法、力構造および信頼システムの彼ら自身を再建するので意味が現象、絶えず転移の終わる歴史から得られるべきであることを保持する。 本は非常に含んでいる Fichtean概念の 宗教転換: 悪を拒絶し、意味を組み立てるためにない神の受諾にしかし意志の絶対自由に基づく。 これは何人かの作家を見るために導いた Sartor Resartus早いのとして Existentialistテキスト。
Sartor Resartus最初に風変わりおよび理解できないです一部考慮されたり、しかし賞賛されたアメリカで限られた成功を持っていた、 Ralph Waldoエマーソン、開発にの影響を及ぼす ニューイングランドの卓越性および Herman MelvilleMobyディック強くCarlyleによって影響を及ぼされた。

特性および場所




2010年12月09日 07:32 AM

西方商界流行单件西装
Separates can still be smart



The global economy was not the only thing to collapse two years ago. As banking institutions crumbled, so too did efforts to promote dress-down Fridays. Serious times demanded serious suits, and a generation who came of professional age in a world of open necks and chinos suddenly found themselves adrift in their closets without a sartorial anchor. 两年前,并非只有全球经济轰然倒下,随着金融机构纷纷倒闭,旨在推广每周五穿便服的努力也随之折戟沉沙。年景不好时得穿正儿八经的西装,然而,如今穿着开领衬衫与斜纹布裤子成长起来的新锐一代站在衣柜前突然间显得束手无策,因为没有一件能“镇柜”的正装。
“Everything that has happened in formal men’s wear since spring 2009 has been affected by the collapse of Lehman Brothers,” says Robert Johnston, associate editor of British GQ. “Post-economic crisis, men who might not have been caring about their appearance came under pressure to wear suits. Many feel they can’t do that, but simply can’t go casual anymore.” “自2009年春季以来,男士正装所发生的一切都是由雷曼(Lehman Brothers)的倒闭所引发的,”英国男性时尚杂志《GQ》副主编罗伯特-约翰斯顿(Tim Johnston)如是说。“经济危机发生后,原先一直不太在意外在形象的男士感受到了要穿正装的压力。许多男士觉得无法做到,但也明白不能再象以往那样 随随便便地穿休闲装了。”
Happily, there is now a third way: welcome to the age of the men’s wear separate. Though the idea of a jacket in one style, skirt or trousers in another is not new to the female wardrobe, for many men, it’s a liberating notion. 可喜的是,如今有“第三条路”可供选择:男士衣服与裤子分开单穿的时代已然到来。虽说上身着一种风格的西装外套,而下身穿另一种风格的裙装或者裤子对于女性来说并不陌生,但对男士来说,这却是个革命性的理念。
Cue a breed of young contemporary men’s wear labels focused on a more independent way of dressing. Rake, a tailoring brand founded by former Kilgour tailor Clive Derby, focuses on the mix of men’s suit jackets and trousers (prices from £675). “Flexibility is key,” says Derby. “Every single piece is sold as a separate: break them up and they still stand up in their own right as an individual garment.” 需要提示的是:已有针对当代年轻男士的系列品牌上市了,它们突出更为特立独行的服装风 格。由Kilgour前裁剪师克莱夫-德比(Clive Derby)创办的成衣品牌Rake专注于把男士的西装式外套与裤子巧妙搭配(售价675英镑起)。“关键是要灵活多变,”德比说。“每一件(西装外套或 裤子)都是单独销售:西装外套与裤子分开卖后,它们仍是可以堂而皇之单穿的衣服。”
At London tailors Thom Sweeney, separates make up 40 per cent of the business (prices from £380), with the tailors Thom Whidett and Luke Sweeney setting the standard themselves. “It’s hard to dress down and look good and it’s also more complicated,” says Whidett. “We started wearing navy blazers and grey flannel trousers ourselves,” says Sweeney, “and our clients realised they can dress down in a bespoke way.” 在伦敦的汤姆-史威尼(Thom Sweeney) 裁缝店,分开单卖的服装占到了营业额的40%(售价从380英镑起),至于如何搭配穿的标准则由裁剪师汤姆-魏迪特(Thom Whidet)和卢克-史威尼(Luke Sweeney)自行决定。“便装要穿得象模象样不是件容易的事,况且也更为棘手,”魏迪特说。“我们就自己尝试穿深蓝色运动上衣与灰色法兰绒裤子,”史 威尼说,“顾客也意识到便装可以定做。”
Windowpane check jackets teamed with plain narrow trousers (prices from £895) now typify their signature separates, which are “mostly check flannels, not tweeds, as they are lighter weight. An ‘urban tweed’ we call it, not stiff, hairy or heavy,” says Whidett. “We often suggest a guy orders a navy and grey suit, and considers swapping the trousers for two additional looks.” 由Windowpane推出的方格子西装外套搭配素色紧身裤(售价从895英镑起)如 今成了服装单穿的标志性搭配,它们“多数采用方格子法兰绒料(而不是斜纹布料),原因是它们重量要轻一点,我们把它称为 “都市款斜纹布”,摸上去不僵硬,不起毛,看上去也不压抑,”魏迪特说。“我们通常暗示顾客定做深蓝色及灰色的套装,另外再建议对方做两件其它颜色的裤子 和衣服配着穿。”
Patrick Grant, director of the British tailoring brand E Tautz (prices from £595), says, “Separates are the uniform of the ‘new financial industry’ – the hedge fund and private equity areas which set themselves up very deliberately as non-suit-wearing institutions. Their wardrobe helps define who they are in business – ‘We are not the old financial industry, we dress in a different way because we think about our products differently, too.’” 帕特里克-格兰特(Patrick Grant)是英国成衣品牌E Tautz(售价从595英镑起)的主管,他说,“单穿服装如今成了‘新兴金融行业’(对冲基金与私募基金)从业者的统一款式,他们有意把自己塑造成不穿 正装的行业。衣橱诠释了他们在商界的身份和地位——“我们与过去的金融行业不一样,穿得也与众不同,原因就是我们觉得推出的是与众不同的金融产品。”
Take Jim Chanos, a New York businessman, who says, “Most of the time I’m in a suit but increasingly I’m in a jacket and trousers to travel. [I am] the principal of my company [and] I have to set a standard. However, as we are a money management firm, circumstances don’t always lend themselves to a pure suit. The hedge fund world is more casual than banking.” 听听纽约商人吉姆-夏诺斯(Jim Chanos)是怎么说的,“大多数时间我穿正装,但现在我越来越多地是穿着西装外套和单裤去出差。我是公司的头头,所以我得确立公司的规矩。但是,我们是资金管理公司,工作环境有时并不适合穿西装,对冲基金界比银行要更为随意些。”
Similarly, an investment banker who prefers separates to suits, notes: “I don’t want to look too starchy, especially in internal meetings. Separates are ideal if I’m about to travel on a plane and then at the other end I go straight to a dinner at which I need to be reasonably smart.” 同样,有这么一位投资银行家,相对于穿正装,他更喜欢服饰单穿,他指出:“我不想显得太过拘谨,特别是参加公司内部的会议时。如果我马上要坐飞机去出差,到了目的地后直接赴宴去,在那场合我得看上去很精干,这时单穿式服饰就再合适不过了。”
According to Grant, a vogue for European styles such as those of Loro Piana and Cucinelli also plays a part in the rise of the separate. “With a proliferation of very high-end Italian brands comes an overwhelming push towards softness and unconstructed jackets in fabrics such as cashmere, which are just inappropriate for making trousers.” Grant says that customers are building “libraries” of separates that can be mixed with other elements. 在格兰特看来,罗洛-皮雅纳(Loro Piana)与Cucinelli这些欧洲的时尚品牌对衣服单穿的潮流起了推波助澜的作用。“意大利高端时尚品牌在世界各地不断攻城拔寨,此举大大推动了 柔和风格、无衬垫式开士米料夹克的流行,而开士米布料做裤子并不合适。“格兰特说顾客正帮助建立能融入其它元素的单穿式服装的“组合库”。
British department stores have seen a similar evolution in their men’s wear sales. Selfridges formal wear department reports a 48 per cent rise in formal jacket sales and a 27 per cent lift in units of trousers (year on year from 2009 to 2010) compared with a suiting increase of half that amount. 英国百货公司同样见证了男装销售出现的新变化。据塞尔福里奇百货公司(Selfridges)统计:2000年,其正装部的夹克销售额同比增长了48%,各种款式的单裤的销售额同比增长了27%,而西服销售额的增长幅度只有夹克与单裤销售额的一半。
Jason Broderick, head of men’s wear at Harrods, says, “Our trouser business is up 22 per cent, while ties sales depreciated 40 per cent [also year on year, 2009-10]. This says a lot about how men are wearing smart clothes in a less formal way, the suit often being left to evening wear now. When you go into a designer’s showroom to buy and all you see is jackets and trousers, you have to reflect the offering.” 负责哈洛德(Harrods)男装销售的主管詹森-布罗德里克(Jason Broderick)说,“我们的单裤销售同比增长了22%,而领带销售则同比下降了40%。这就清楚地表明了现在男士喜欢穿非正式的亮装,而正装现在通 常只是作为晚礼服偶尔穿一下。当你光顾设计师的专卖店时,你所看到的全是西装外套和单裤,你得好好斟酌一下店家的推荐款式。”
And the offering, according to Zegna chief executive Gildo Zegna, is dictated by the customer. “Our ‘upper casual’ collection [prices from £200], which launched in 2008 was conceived to meet the emerging needs of men who want a less formal look that is as elegant as a suit,” he says. "It now accounts for more than 20 per cent of our global business.” 按照杰尼亚集团的总裁吉尔多-杰尼亚(Gildo Zegna)的说法,推荐款式都是根据顾客的喜好做的。“2008年,我们推出了超休闲系列(售价从200英镑起),旨在满足男士们不断增长的需求,他们 喜欢穿休闲一点的服饰,但又得像正装一样优雅大方,”他说。“如今这占了我们全球业务量的20%还多。”

長堀祐造《魯迅與托洛茨基:《文學與革命》在中國》、格雷果爾·班頓《魯迅,托洛茨基與中國托派》

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內容簡介

名人推薦

  在無法數計的魯迅研究中,本書作者長堀祐造教授在持續二十多年的探索中,另闢蹊徑,走出向來研究的意識形態桎梏,由托洛茨基《文學與革命》一書對魯迅的影響關係入手,藉由魯迅文學和思想活動中的托洛茨基這一變數,試圖突破紅色闡釋的禁忌,如他所說的「將魯迅從毛澤東、斯大林主義的陷阱中救出」,完成「把魯迅從毛澤東和中共製造的神話解救出來」的研究目的。──淡江大學名譽教授‧施叔
                                            
  在革命與文學的脈絡上考察魯迅的思想生成史,長堀祐造的這部著作是繼丸山昇先生的研究之後最為扎實的推進。引進托洛茨基這一觀察維度,恢復了「革命」歷史譜系本有的豐富,自然也呈現了魯迅與「革命」關係的複雜。著者的同情明顯投射在歷史上的「敗者」一方,但他以近乎嚴苛的「實證」克制自己的情緒和立場,由此形成的張力和裂痕,也是本書的魅力之所在。──北京清華大學中文系教授‧王中忱

  魯迅與托洛茨基的關係,是一個懸而未決的歷史課題。它不僅涉及後期魯迅的文學觀及其對革命的態度,更與1930年代革命中國內部的政治鬥爭密切關聯。長堀祐造先生積二十餘年實證考據之功力重返歷史現場,以世界史的視野和省察革命的強韌信念挑戰此課題,並力圖深掘「魯迅基於階級論的國際主義精神」在當今的價值,實乃力透紙背之作。可以預期,該書必將引起漢語讀書界的廣泛關注,並推動相關議題的討論和爭鳴。──中國社會科學院文學研究所研究員‧趙京華

  戰後日本的魯迅研究碩果累累,頗能說明戰後日本中國研究的性格,亦頗能說明戰後日本知識分子共同體的某些思想特性。就後者而言,甚至可以誇張地說,「魯迅」也是一位日本的知識分子。本書長於實證研究,卻對魯迅解釋譜系不乏顛覆性。這是第一本系統探討魯迅與中國托洛茨基主義關係的著作。魯迅遠非聖人,其永遠的價值,在於他是知識分子批判性的化身。本書致力於將魯迅從官方意識形態的利用中拯救出來,以還原魯迅作為一位革命者和知識分子的複雜性。「知識分子」一詞似乎漸成日語和漢語的死語,此情此景,本書將讓我們重新認識魯迅思想的意義。這不僅是一本魯迅研究的力作,也是一本中國托洛茨基主義研究的力作。──東京大學研究生院綜合文化研究科副教授‧林少陽
 

作者介紹

作者簡介

長堀祐造 Nagahori Yuzo ながほり ゆうぞう


  1955年生於日本埼玉縣。東京大學文學部畢業,早稻田大學大學院博士課程中退,2012年在慶應義塾大學大學院文學研究科獲博士學位。現為慶應義塾大學教授。專業為中國近現代文學。

  合著有《魯迅研究的現在》(『魯迅研究の現在』)、《二三十年代中國與東西文藝》(『二三十年代中国と東西文芸』)等。譯有莫言的《變》;合譯的作品有莫言的《中國農村短篇故事選》(『中国の村から』)、毛毛的《我的父親鄧小平》(『わが父・鄧小平』)、克里斯多福‧紐的《上海》和《香港》(英譯日)、鄭超麟的《鄭超麟回憶錄》(『初期中国共産党群像──トロツキスト鄭超麟回憶録』1・2)等。

譯者簡介

王俊文


  1977年生於福建省泉州市。1995年考入北京大學中文系,先後獲文學學士學位(1999.7)和比較文學碩士(2002.7)。2011年在東京大學大學院人文社會系研究科(中文科)獲文學博士學位。現在慶應義塾大學等任兼任講師。專業為中國現代文學、日中近現代比較文學。博士論文為『武田泰淳における中国――「阿Q」と「秋瑾」の系譜を中心として』(《武田泰淳與中國──以「阿Q」和「秋瑾」的譜系為中心》)。譯著有《魯迅‧革命‧歷史──丸山昇現代中國文學論集》(北京大學出版社,2005.11)。
 

目錄

序        施 叔
中文版作者序
日文版作者序

第一部    魯迅對托洛茨基文藝理論的接受

第一章  魯迅「革命人」思想的形成
第二章  魯迅革命文學論與托洛茨基的《文學與革命》
第三章  魯迅接受托洛茨基文藝理論影響的意義──同路人魯迅──
第四章  1928-1932 年期間魯迅的托洛茨基觀和革命文學論
第五章  試論魯迅托洛茨基觀的轉變──魯迅與瞿秋白
第六章  《文學與革命》中文翻譯的諸問題

第二部 〈答托洛斯基派的信〉諸問題

第七章  〈答托洛斯基派的信〉諸問題

第三部    毛澤東文藝路線與托洛茨基文藝理論

第八章  毛澤東〈講話〉與列寧〈黨的組織和黨的文學〉的翻譯問題──延安整風與王實味──
第九章  魯迅與富田事變──毛澤東對AB 團的肅清與魯迅的不安──
第十章  永遠的革命者的悲哀──試論「假如魯迅活著」論爭──

結語  ──總括與展望──
譯者後記     王俊文

初出一覽

魯迅略年譜.本書相關簡略年表

*****
魯迅,托洛茨基與中國托派

格雷果爾·班頓

謝山譯


 按:以下這篇專論,原刊澳洲國立大學高級研究院1994年6月出版的
《東亞歷史》第7期上,作者格雷果爾.班頓(Gregor Benton),現任英國
里茲大學東亞研究系教授,對中國近代革命史有深邃研究,他寫過幾本有關
中共與中國托派的書,備受中外學者的注意以至讚賞。他花了二十年光陰來
研究和寫作的《山火》(紅軍於1934-1938年間奮鬥於華南的歷史),贏得
海外「漢學家」的一致推重,並獲得Philip E.Liliemchal獎金。〕


在中國作家中,魯迅即使不是第一個受到托洛茨基文藝理論深刻影響的,也是最優秀的一個受此影響的作家。魯迅是公認的現代中國大作家,可是,文學史家中很少人注意到魯迅和托洛茨基之間的這種思想關係,而且在中國,好多年來,逝世的魯迅被人利用來作為一尊政治正統的偶像,因而他同共產國際所憎惡的一個人曾有聯繫的事實被有系統地隱瞞起來。中國官方甚至把魯迅說成為反對托派的一個作家,據說他曾在政治上深惡痛絕托派。然而,一九九三年出現了新的證據,證明那樣理解魯迅是錯誤的,同時也糾正了中國共產黨內那些反對托派的人半個多世紀以來所犯的一個大錯誤。

魯迅從日文譯本中讀過托洛茨基所著的《文學與革命》一書,托洛茨基的文學理論的主要內容都寫在這本書中,這就促使魯迅設法將此書譯成中文,結果,韋漱園從俄文,李霽野從英文把它翻譯了,韋漱園不久死於肺病,於是李霽野獨自譯成,於一九二六年出版。魯迅自己則從日文翻譯了托洛茨基在蘇共中央一九二四年五月九日召開的文藝政策討論會上發表的長篇演說,一九二六年魯迅又從日文翻譯了《文學與革命》第三章中關於亞歷山大.布洛克的一段,作為「未名叢書」中布洛克的著名詩篇《十二個》的附錄,「未名叢書」是魯迅主編的。一九二七年四月,魯迅引了托洛茨基論人民文學的話,即說:「沒有甚麽人民文學,因為人民尚未開口說話,這些著作不過是表示旁觀者的感想罷了。」

值得指出的,是當一九二六年魯迅設法翻譯托洛茨基著作的時候,顯然已在托洛茨基和斯大林破裂以後了。一九二九年五月二十二日,即托洛茨基被逐出蘇聯以後三個月,魯迅還在燕京大學的「中國文學社」講話,對於政治和文學的關係問題,仍舊表示與托洛茨基同樣的觀點。一九二九年以後,他才停止引用托洛茨基的話,那大概是一種外交手段,從此到離開人世,魯迅都是將如下的觀點視為庸俗的和無知的而拒絕之,這個觀點就是說:文化是經濟利益的簡單反映。同托洛茨基一樣,魯迅也相信藝術一定要走自己的道路,運用自己的方法……藝術領域是這樣的一個領域,它不是依靠黨的號令行事的。

魯迅傳播托洛茨基的自由的和多元性的文藝觀,直接地或間接地影響了左翼作家王實味、丁玲、蕭軍和艾青,這些人一九四二年在延安是受毛澤東派所壓制的。這個文藝觀點也影響了胡風。胡風是個詩人和文學理論家,他沒有參加任何黨派,但政治上傾向於斯大林主義。雖然如此,他同中共仍舊不斷地鬧彆扭,到了一九五五年,他成為一次全國性的政治運動所攻擊的對象,只是因為他反對中共領導所推行的文藝政策。

延安的文學反對派的主要人物王實味有托派關係是大家知道的,但胡風思想之根源於托洛茨基主義則是隱晦的,為人不知道的,此次,從一九九三年在北京發表的胡風的遺文中才暴露出來。原來,胡風早於一九二五年夏天便同日後的中國托派思想家有來往,那時他名張光人,考入北京大學的文學系,與他同在一班的,同學一年時間,有王實味,還有日後的中國托派領導人王凡西。這個巧遇雖然未曾產生甚麽直接的政治後果,但值得指出,這一班學生中產生了這樣兩個有名的人物,在文學上都採取與中國共產黨不同的立場,又都被中共迫害,王實味更被處死。此外又產生了一個人物,他站在左翼的立場批評中共的文藝政策。

胡風在一九八四年寫了一篇文章,但到他死後才於一九九三年發表。他在文章中說起他二十年代讀過的書中哪幾本對於他的文學思想發生了影響的,在這敘述中,他不經意地洩露了他的頑固思想的可能根源,這思想決定了他的一生的文學觀而形成他的不同意見。他在這篇文章的開頭,用非常簡短的字句提到在魯迅領導之下,譯成中文布洛克的詩篇《十二個》,他接著讚美魯迅在此詩篇出版時所寫的後記。他說,這後記幫助了他讀懂了詩,也幫助他多少懂得了革命,多少懂得了革命會怎樣影響作家和文學。他說:「從此以後,就擺脫了那種庸俗的社會學的對於創造過程的理解。」他又說,那篇後記甚至還使得他明白了魯迅翻譯的廚川白村所著《苦悶的象徵》一書的意義,廚川白村是日本的唯心主義的文學批評家,他提出一種完全非馬克思主義的觀點,認為文藝起源於苦悶,即人對於人類生命力的壓抑,而又壓抑不了,於是用廣義的象徵手法表現出來,胡風現在可鄙視這種觀點的了。

胡風,一九二六年和許多年輕的中國左翼學者和作家一樣,也是著迷這種「苦悶的象徵」學說的,他不理解像廚川白村這樣的唯心主義者為甚麽能夠如此令人信服地向他
們解釋藝術創造的過程,照「社會學」的說法,唯有「唯物主義者」才能解釋這個過程的,到了《十二個》出版,他讀了魯迅寫的《後記》之後,胡風理解到並非所有馬克思主義者都相信創造過程中所有一切都可找到「物質的」或「經濟的」基礎與之對應,而集合於所謂「社會學的」法則。

不言而喻地,胡風的文章不敢提到托洛茨基的《文學與革命》書中那一章的為魯迅用來說明「資產階級的作家」布洛克的文學天才的話,但顯然可見,魯迅所引的話(連同那《後記》所引的話)是出於該書那一章的,魯迅在《後記》中充滿了托洛茨基文學批評的精神,並對托洛茨基文學創造理論懷有深深的敬意。胡風這些早期的思想,以後就發展為他後期反對共產黨指揮文學,反對毛澤東的延安「文藝整風運動」。

一九三六年,即中國抗日戰爭爆發前一年,魯迅批評了某些親共產國際的作家所提出的「國防文學」口號,他認為這口號有階級合作的意味,提出了「民族革命戰爭的大眾文學」,(一般人都以為是魯迅提出的,但魯迅的學生和同志胡風,在最近發表的一篇文章中,則說是他胡風提出的,不過當時魯迅擔負責任。)兩個口號如此對立,可以被人認為反映了中國共產黨內部出現了兩種不同的立場,一個是毛澤東的立場,主張同國民黨一面聯合抗日,一面互相鬥爭,可是王明的立場則主張只聯合而不鬥爭。

但魯迅所提出的口號有幾分接近於托洛茨基對於中國抗戰的立場,即堅持抗戰,但不放棄階級鬥爭,要批評國民黨政府的政策,中國托派陳其昌,從這場兩個口號之爭中看出了這個深刻的意義,但又相信魯迅的不可屈服的精神(他是崇拜魯迅的),於是寄了幾份托派宣傳品給魯迅,並附寄一封信,他在信中告訴魯迅:新成立的聯合戰線是「莫斯科官僚」所主張的,結果將是把革命的群眾交給國民黨劊子手去屠殺。魯迅提出的口號,含有托派主張的意義,不僅陳其昌一個人看出來,中共內部的人也看出來了,他們早已將「托派」帽子戴在魯迅頭上了。關於這一點,胡風的遺文揭露說,延安的中共領導懷疑魯迅是同情托派的,才提出這個口號。田漢、周揚,這兩個繼續擁護「國防文學」口號的人,甚至要魯迅相信:胡風是當局派來的奸細。

一九三六年,魯迅死前不久,刊物上發表了一封《答托洛斯基派的信》,以魯迅署名的,此信發表後發生轟動,造成一種擁護斯大林,而反對陳其昌批評的氣氛,人們甚至暗示:托派是日本人收買的奸細,於是魯迅和托派之間就劃清了政治界限,信中說:

你們的「理論」(指抗日聯合戰線是對革命的背叛)確比毛澤東先生們高超
得多,豈但得多,簡直一是在天上,一是在地下。但高超固然是可敬佩的,
無奈這高超又恰恰為日本侵略者所歡迎……因為你們高超的理論為日本所歡
迎,我看了你們印出的很整齊的刊物,就不禁為你們捏一把汗,在大眾面前,
倘若有人造一個攻擊你們的謠,說日本人出錢叫你們辦報,你們能夠洗刷得
很清楚麽?這決不是因為從前你們中曾有人跟著別人罵過我拿盧布,現在就
來這一手以報復。不是的,我還不至於這樣下流,因為我不相信你們會下作
到拿日本人錢……我只要敬告你們一聲,你們的高超理論,將不受中國大眾
所歡迎,你們的所為有背於中國人現在為人的道德。我要對你們講的話,就
僅僅這一點。

最後,我倒感到一點不舒服,就是你們忽然寄信寄書給我……那就因為我的
某幾個「戰友」曾指我甚麽甚麽的原故。但我,即使怎麽不行,自覺和你們
總是相離很遠的罷。

可笑的是這封答信中,暗示托派為漢奸的話,後來王明就明白說出來了。王明的政策那是魯迅所反對的(知道或不知道是出於王明)。又可笑的,是這封信中被誣為漢奸的陳其昌,因從事抗日活動,一九四二年被日本憲兵捕去,嚴刑後犧牲。

看到了這封答信之後,上海的托派組織便以「中國共產主義同盟」的名義發表了簡短的聲明,由王凡西執筆,發表於同盟的理論機關報《火花》上作為回答,聲明指出魯迅此信稱為《答托洛斯基派的信》,其實原信只是陳其昌一個人簽名寫的,他對之負全責。聲明將魯迅的答信聯繫到斯大林發起的反託大運動,因此;

我們不願意花費寶費的時間和精力來同魯迅作無益的爭論,我們只要號召一
切無產階級戰士和一切革命家起來抵制斯大林黨的陰謀,他們正在聯合全世
界反動階級來反對我們,特別無恥地誹謗托洛茨基同志。魯迅的誹謗不過是
大濁流中一個支流而已。

陳其昌則沒有這樣平心靜氣,他真正被那封答信暗示的話傷害了,於是寫了第二封信給魯迅,信中,他又提到聯合戰線問題,他責備魯迅沒有回答他的政治論據,而作無聊的誹謗。「你散佈了謠言,說日本人給我們的錢,出版我們的報刊」。他寫道:

你真是太會顛倒是非!布爾什維克——列寧派(即托派)的刊物《鬥爭》和
《火花》得以繼續出版,全靠我們的同志節衣縮食,在狹小的過街樓中,不
辭辛苦,流盡汗水,才把報紙印出來。正因為我們沒有金錢來源,我們的
《鬥爭》才不能不由原來的周刊改為半月刊,以後還有可​​能維持不下去而改
為月刊。如果布爾什維克----列寧派拿日本人的錢出版報刊,無疑就會同你
們一樣公開出版雜誌,一期接著一期在書店出售,現在我們只能自己印刷,
自己傳播。

陳其昌得不到魯迅對於他此信的回答,此信仍藏在魯迅的檔案內,經過四十多年後,才於一九七六年或一九七七年一月發表於北京出版的《魯迅研究資料》第四期上。

今天卻出現了證據,證明那封有敵意的、帶諷剌的答陳其昌的信,並非魯迅寫的,而是共產黨員馮雪峰寫的,馮雪峰利用他和魯迅的友誼,以魯迅的名字,而不一定以魯迅的思想寫這封答信。(魯迅當時病倒在床上,不能說話。)早於一九七八年,樓國華就在他的一本《論魯迅》的書中揭露此事。(此書由「東亞出版中心」一九七八年出版於巴黎。)樓國華提出了許多證據說明他的結論,他認為這封信含有濃厚的馮雪峰思想,以誹謗托派為主調,不合於魯迅的高尚的道德品格,特別是因為魯迅素來都
鄙視「盧布說」,而現在信內用「盧布說」施於別人。此外,魯迅在短暫的病情好轉期間內,即從發表那封信到他逝世(一九三六年十月十九日)的時期,他未再提及陳其昌的信,反而在發表答徐懋庸(反對魯迅的共產黨員)信中重提兩個口號的鬥爭問題,以及「左翼作家同盟」的行政秘書問題,這就使人懷疑,那種惡意誹謗答陳其昌的信,不是出於魯迅本意。魯迅寫道:「因為據我的經驗,那種表面上扮著『革命』的面孔,而輕易誣陷別人為『內奸』,為『反革命』,為『托派』,以至為『漢奸』者,大半不是正路人。」魯迅又說:「首先應該掃​​蕩的,倒是拉大旗作為虎皮,包著自己,去嚇唬別人;小不如意,就倚勢(!)定人罪名,而且重得可怕橫暴者。」

當他病情好轉期間內,一九三六年十月出版的《作家》雜誌上發表了魯迅的《半夏小集》,仍主張在抗日聯合戰線中左翼作家必須保持獨立性,他說明的理由雖然很簡略,但基本上同陳其昌寫給他的那封信差不多,在第二段和第三段的文中,他說:

用筆和舌,將淪為奴隸之苦告訴大家,自然是不錯的,但要十分小心,不可
使大家得著這樣的結論:「那麽,到底還不如我們似的做自己人的奴隸好。」

「聯合戰線」之說一出,先前投敵的一批「革命作家」,就以「聯合」的先
覺者自居,漸漸出現了。納款通敵的鬼域行為,一到現在,就好像都是「前
進」的光明事業。

魯迅的《半夏小集》第二段說的顯然是日本人佔領東北的事情,文中警告那些人,他們認為蔣介石統治下畢竟比在日本天皇統治下為好過的人。第三段則譏諷劇作家田漢和小說家穆木天之流的人物,魯迅認為他們無論是放棄了自己的信念,或者被迫投降都太早了一點。

至於在那封給陳其昌的信中表示了堅決保衛斯大林,樓國華指出,魯迅決不會無條件
地支持獨裁者,並引了他堂兄樓適夷告訴他的故事為證。樓適夷講的是安德烈.紀德的《從蘇聯歸來》一書,紀德在書中批評了對斯大林的個人崇拜和捍護了托洛茨基,因而被斯大林集團誣為「法西斯走狗」。紀德的那本書一九三六年由鄭超麟譯成中文出版,此書被共產黨列為禁書。據樓適夷說,魯迅極為崇敬紀德,曾反對對紀德的攻擊辱罵,甚至還說過,如果他去蘇聯見到紀德所見到的,他也會寫同樣的書。樓國華說,這才是真正的魯迅,和那封惡毒的信是完全不同的人。

樓國華還知道,在魯迅的私人關係中,即使對被中共朋友所冷落的人物,魯迅仍沒有答陳其昌信中所流露的那種宗派主義。魯迅堅持原則,拒絕按政治上排斥異端方式生活。例子之一就是他和美國托派伊羅生保持了友誼,一九三四年伊羅生離開上海前夕,魯迅設宴歡送他。

魯迅《答托派信》的公案,到了近年發表的胡風一九八四年遺文中才真相大白。樓國華早先猜測的情況在胡風這篇遺文中得到證實了。胡風說,當時魯迅在重病中,無力起坐,也無力說話,連和他商量一下都不可能,已無力討論對陳其昌的複信。胡風又說,馮雪峰代擬這封答信也是為了洗刷他自己、魯迅、以及其他擁護那個左傾口號的人的「托派嫌疑」,因為他們在黨內的對手早已指控他們是「托派」了。馮雪峰為此不惜強迫魯迅說出魯迅絕不願說的話。胡風自己是完全不同情托派的,這就可以保證他記載這件事情,絕無偏袒托派的可能。

關於《現實文學》發表魯迅《答托洛斯基派的信》和《論現在我們的文學運動》,胡風寫道:

兩文都註明了是他口述,OV筆錄。其實都是馮雪峰擬稿的。OV影寓我的名字,免得猜到是他。他是黨的領導人,我覺得掩護他是我應盡的責任。

口號問題發生後,國防文學派集中全力進攻。馮雪峰有些著慌了,想把攻
勢壓一壓,當時魯迅在重病中,無力起坐,也無力說話,連和他商量一下
都不可能。恰好愚蠢的托派相信謠言,竟以為這是可乘之機,就給魯迅寫
了一封「拉攏」的信。魯迅看了很生氣,馮雪峰拿去看了後就擬了這封回
信。「國防文學」放出流言,說「民族革命戰爭的大眾文學」是托派的口
號。馮雪峰擬的回信就是為了解消這一栽誣的。他約我一道拿稿去看魯迅,
把擬稿念給他聽了。魯迅閉著眼晴聽了,沒有說甚麽,只簡單地點了點頭,
表示了同意。

馮雪峰迴去後,覺得對口號問題本身也得提出點理論根據來。於是又擬了
《論現在我們的文學運動》,又約我一道去唸給魯迅聽了。魯迅顯得比昨
晚更衰弱一些,更沒有力氣說甚麽,只是點了點頭,表示了同意,但略略
現出了一點不耐煩的神色。一道出來後,雪峰馬上對我說:魯迅還是不行,
不如高爾基;高爾基那些政論,都是黨派給他的秘書寫的,他只是簽一個
名。……

上引兩段話證明魯迅並非自願寫信回答陳其昌。胡風說第二次會晤,當讀給他聽後,魯迅「現出了一點不耐煩的神色」。這就證明:這次病中的作家,並非完全同意馮雪峰所擬二文中的政治觀點(因為此二文是一個整體)。胡風在長文中又說:「魯迅在思想問題上是非常嚴正的,要他對沒有經過深思熟慮(這時候絕不可能深思熟慮)的思想觀點擔負責任,那一定要引起他精神上的不安。」

魯迅病情好轉後,能夠自己寫文章了,但並未表示不同意馮雪峰代擬的答信,但這一點並不能作證據,證明他同意了這種暗示。魯迅同羅曼羅蘭、蕭伯納以及其他所謂「蘇聯之友」一樣,魯迅只是個文人,不是三十年代類型的那種政治家,他不願意也不能夠公然同斯大林主義的中共破裂。在三十年代中,他認為斯大林主義是世界唯一的進步力量,如果他不承認那封信是他寫的,那就一定要同中共的戰線團體破裂。他又為甚麽不回答陳其昌的第二封信呢?大概是因為他認為這件事情就這樣結束,不願再繼續討論下去。因為如果再繼續下去,他就得說出自己的意見,那可能構成對馮雪峰所擬答信的反駁或部份反駁。可是幾個月之後,他在一篇《半夏小集》中,他批評了中共的新政策,正如陳其昌二封信那樣去批評。

一九四九年以後,這封《答托洛斯基派的信》更被利用來作為有力的武器,幫助毛澤東政府去誣衊托派,證明托派是漢奸和階級叛徒,更重要的是以此信來教導年青一輩人,不要多接近各式各樣的不同意見。將此信編入高中全國統編語文課本,聲稱這是魯迅的優秀作品,同時富有政治意義。有諷刺意義的是此信的筆調正是一種冒充的假貨。胡風的文章說瞭如下的話:

到病情好轉,恢復了常態生活和工作的時候,我提了一句:「雪峰模仿週
先生的語氣倒很像……」魯迅淡淡地笑一笑,說:「我看一點也不像」。

多年來,中共如此刊行了魯迅的《答托洛斯基派》的信,是很得意的,可是,十一屆三中全會之後,陳獨秀得到了部分的平反,中國的歷史家也可以放手反駁康生、王明一九三八年提出的關於陳獨秀每月接受日本人津貼的誣衊了,於是這封《答托洛斯基派的信》成了問題。到了一九九一年《毛澤東選集》第二版的新註出現後更沒有理由再視托派為「漢奸」了,那些崇拜魯迅​​者便提出種種理由為這個《答托洛斯基派的信》辯護,他們最常用的理由是說此信並未說托派是漢奸,不過警告托派不要再滑下去,免得成了漢奸。鄭超麟在一篇分析胡風遺文的文章中說,勸告說是不能成立的,並用毛澤東一篇演說為證,因毛澤東也正引用此信證明托派是漢奸。鄭超麟又說:托派並未接受這個「勸告」,但也並未因此成了漢奸。

今天則已真相大白,魯迅本人並未說托派是漢奸,而且今天也沒有證據可以證明:魯迅如果能深思熟慮的話,也將同意馮雪峰代擬的答信中違反他的原則所表達的意思。


後記

我這篇文章已經寫好,才通過亞歷山大.互地莫維奇.潘佐夫,知道香港中文大學文學院的陳勝長,也曾寫了一篇文章研究托洛茨基文學理論對於魯迅的影響。陳勝長這篇文章是在胡風那篇長文發表之前寫成的,對於一九三六年魯迅的《答托洛斯基派的信》仍舊採取舊時的看法,即認為此信是魯迅授意寫的,可是陳勝長,在文中提出一個可注意的說法,即他說明了一九三三年初期魯迅對於托派領導人陳獨秀的態度。原來,在共產黨員或同路人中那些反對魯迅的人,曾於一九三三年二月期間曾攻擊「現實主義」作家胡秋原,說胡秋原無區別地既「崇拜」斯大林,又「同情」托洛茨基;而且「非常尊敬」克魯泡特金,並且「惋惜」陳獨秀和鄧演達的遭遇。據陳勝長說,魯迅認為這些攻擊胡秋原的話,暗中也是攻擊他的政治態度的,於是在三月五日著文回答這個攻擊,他的文章題《我怎麽作起小說來》。文中有如下的話:「這裡,我必須感謝陳獨秀先生以及其他幾個人,出了很多的力量鼓勵我去寫小說。」陳勝長還引用了魯迅在其他文章中說的話來為上引的話作註釋,魯迅說:「在中國,很少有人對於失敗的英雄表示同情;很少有人為因造反而失敗的人痛哭。」陳勝長說:「我認為,當左聯無根據地攻擊文學界的所謂『托派』時,魯迅卻利用機會讚揚陳獨秀,同時也表示同情失敗了的托洛茨基。」

10 things you didn't know about Alice in Wonderland

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10 things you didn't know about Alice in Wonderland
Oliver Lansley, creative director and co-writer of two stage adaptations of Lewis Carroll’s novel, Adventures in Wonderland and Alice’s Adventures Underground, reveals some curiouser and curiouser facts about Alice and Carroll that you might not know (but no – not the reason why a raven is like a writing desk…)
The Mad Hatter's Teaparty from Lewis Carroll's Alice in Wonderland. The hacker group compare Russian politics to the surreal tale.
 The Mad Hatter’s Teaparty from Lewis Carroll’s Alice in Wonderland. Photograph: Print Collector/Getty Images
Alice Liddell as a beggar child - photograph taken by Lewis Carroll, 1858.
Pinterest
 Alice Liddell, a photograph taken by Lewis Carroll, 1858. Photograph: Culture Club/Getty Images
2. The tree that is said to have inspired the Cheshire Cat’s tree stands in the garden behind Alice’s home at Christ Church College, Oxford.
3. Mock Turtle soup IS REAL! It was a popular dish in Victorian times, created as a cheaper version of green turtle soup.It was made from various odd parts of a calf, such as brains, head and hoof!
4. After reading Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, Queen Victoria, having loved the book, suggested that Carroll dedicate his next book to her! And so, his next work, An Elementary Treatise on Determinants, With Their Application to Simultaneous Linear Equations and Algebraic Equations, was presented to the Queen – perhaps not quite what she’d had in mind…
Queen Victoria
 Queen Victoria – an admirer of Alice! Photograph: Gunn & Stewart/Hulton-Deutsch Collection/CORBIS
5. The names of the three little sisters in the Dormouses’ story (Elsie, Lacie and Tillie) also refer to the names of the three Liddell sisters. Elsie originated from the initials of Lorina Charlotte, Lacie is a transformation of Alice, and Tillie was short for Matilda, a name given to Edith by her sisters.
6. Lewis Carroll suffered from a rare neurological disorder that causes strange hallucinations and affects the size of visual objects, which can make the sufferer feel bigger or smaller than they are – a huge theme of the book. The disease, first discovered by English psychiatrist John Todd in 1955, was later named Alice in Wonderland Syndrome. It is also known as Todd’s syndrome.
7. Lewis Carroll’s real name was Charles Lutwidge Dodgson. His pseudonym is an Anglicization of Ludovicus, the Latin version of “Lutwidge”, and the Irish surnameCarroll, which bears great resemblance to the Latin forbear of “Charles”, Carolus.
Lewis Carroll
 Charles Lutwidge Dodgson aka Lewis Carroll (c 1880). Photograph: Science & Society Picture Librar/SSPL via Getty Images
8. The novels were banned in China in 1931, on the grounds that “animals should not use human language”.
9. In 1890 Lewis Carroll released a shortened version of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland for smaller children aged “from nought to five”. It includes 20 of John Tenniel’s illustrations from the original book coloured, enlarged and, in some cases, revised.
10. Our productions – Alice’s Adventures Underground and Adventures in Wonderland – contain approximately:
33 individually designed sets
227 members of the cast, creative and production team
6,077 jam jars
66,508 jam tarts
92,400 playing cards
And countless man hours…
We even asked a statistician to work out how many times you could come and see the show and get a different performance and he was unable to work it out, there were so many variations – hopefully Mr Dodgson would be proud!

Adventures in Wonderland runs until 31 August. The show is suitable for ages 5+ and there must be one adult accompanying no more than two children. Running time is 45 mins. Alice’s Adventures Underground, for 12+, runs Tuesday-Sunday until 31 August. For more information and to book tickets, visit the website.

Leo Tolstoy 托爾斯泰War and Peace 《藝術論》"What Is Art?" /Tolstoy and His Problems

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"This black-eyed, wide-mouthed girl, not pretty but full of life . . . ran to hide her flushed face in the lace of her mother’s mantilla—not paying the least attention to her severe remark—and began to laugh. She laughed, and in fragmentary sentences tried to explain about a doll which she produced from the folds of her frock."
--from WAR AND PEACE



\https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=bbc+war+and+peace
Napoleon's determined bid to conquer Russia forms the background to War and Peace. The ensuing turmoil drives conflict and uncertainty for the books's core families. Paterson Joseph & John Hurt lead a stunning cast and Tolstoy provides the action in one of the world's greatest novels.
Download all ten episodes now > http://bbc.in/1IvVTz5


Napoleon's determined bid to conquer Russia forms the background to War and Peace. The ensuing turmoil drives conflict and uncertainty for the books's core families. Paterson Joseph & John Hurt lead a stunning cast and Tolstoy provides the action in one of the world's greatest novels.  Download all ten episodes now > http://bbc.in/1IvVTz5


War and Peace is 150 this year. Sadie Stein on the history of its publication: http://bit.ly/1DCmtFS



2015 marks the sesquicentennial for Tolstoy’s classic—depending on how you count.
THEPARISREVIEW.ORG|由 TIERRA INNOVATION 上傳


BBC Radio 4
We can learn a lot about the art of living from Tolstoy's War and Peace but we can also learn from the life of the master novelist himself. Tolstoy was a member of the Russian nobility, and his early life of the young count was raucous, debauched and violent.
But he gradually weaned himself off his decadent, racy lifestyle and rejected the received beliefs of his aristocratic background, adopting a radical, unconventional worldview that shocked his peers. So how exactly might his personal journey help us rethink our own philosophies of life?
Tolstoy's Secret's For a Better Life http://bbc.in/1xzNta2
Catch up & download War and Peace http://bbc.in/1BniJGY


We can learn a lot about the art of living from Tolstoy's War and Peace but we can also learn from the life of the master novelist himself. Tolstoy was a member of the Russian nobility, and his early life of the young count was raucous, debauched and violent.  But he gradually weaned himself off his decadent, racy lifestyle and rejected the received beliefs of his aristocratic background, adopting a radical, unconventional worldview that shocked his peers. So how exactly might his personal journey help us rethink our own philosophies of life?  Tolstoy's Secret's For a Better Life http://bbc.in/1xzNta2 Catch up & download War and Peace http://bbc.in/1BniJGY


War and Peace, Tolstoy's epic drama set against Napoleon's invasion of Russia, took over the airwaves yesterday. It's an epic tale of love, loss, vanity, death, destruction and redemption. If you've always promised you'll read it but never quite got there - hear this.
Download the dramas, to keep them forever > http://bbc.in/1vON2CC
Catch up > http://bbc.in/1BcnPHK

War and Peace, Tolstoy's epic drama set against Napoleon's invasion of Russia, took over the airwaves yesterday. It's an epic tale of love, loss, vanity, death, destruction and redemption. If you've always promised you'll read it but never quite got there - hear this.   Download the dramas, to keep them forever > http://bbc.in/1vON2CC Catch up > http://bbc.in/1BcnPHK



Leo Tolstoy's 186th birthday: Here's War and Peace in 186 words

Because although we should read it from cover to cover, realistically…
What better way to celebrate the birthday of Leo Tolstoy than to read his monumentally weighty tome War and Peace…?

Well, for those who don't quite have time to get through all 561,093 words (Oxford World's Classics edition) of it,The Independent has produced its own marvellously abridged version.
So, on the 186th anniversary of Tolstoy's birth, here it is; in 186 words.
Petersburg, 1805: glitzy party at Anna Scherer’s. Napoleon is on the march. Kuragins? Flashy, dodgy crowd, especially minx Helene. Rostovs? Nice, penniless Moscow clan, with headstrong son, Nikolai.
Gauche, thoughtful Pierre Bezukhov: a count’s bastard, super-rich (when dad dies) but adrift. Unhappily wed Andrey Bolkonsky’s the real warrior toff, but those dark nights of the soul! Pierre marries flighty Helene.
Catastrophe! Rows, affair, duel, break-up (and Helene’s bad end) guaranteed. Andrey, Nikolai confront Napoleon at Austerlitz: Russian debacle. Widowed, Andrey falls for blooming Natasha, who’s ensnared by married cad Anatol Kuragin.
Do-gooding Pierre tries to save the world: fails.
1812: here’s fateful Napoleon again, making history (but what is history?), invading Russia. Bloody slaughter at Borodino; Russia resists. Andrey’s injured, Pierre a fugitive, then PoW. Rostovs flee as Moscow fall.
Amid the misery, Natasha grows up fast; Pierre too, helped by saintly peasant. Nikolai rescues Maria, the dying Andrey’s sister. Napoleon retreats. Hurrah!
Liberated, Pierre bonds with Natasha; Nikolai and Maria spliced. Poor cousin Sonya, Nikolai’s long-suffering intended! Two new families: happily ever after?
Almost but what does it all (time, history, freedom, destiny) really mean?


From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"What Is Art?" (Russian: Что такое искусство? [Chto takoye iskusstvo?]; 1897) is an essay by Leo Tolstoy in which he argues against numerous aesthetic theories which define art in terms of the good, truth, and especially beauty. In Tolstoy's opinion, art at the time was corrupt and decadent, and artists had been misled.


托爾斯泰《藝術論》耿濟之譯,台北:晨鐘,1972/82,
此譯本可能有不少小錯譬如說  p.28/95 Schiller 雪萊/席勒

上周末,台北懷恩堂有一場關於此論文的解說會. 我缺席.本書以"基督教藝術的任務就是實現人類友愛的連合."為結語.
The task for Christian art is to establish brotherly union among men. 
 
 What Is Art
 TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL MS., 
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
AYLMER MAUDE
 http://archive.org/stream/whatisart00tolsuoft/whatisart00tolsuoft_djvu.txt
 英文本有附錄譯文為此本漢譯所略去



Tolstoy and His Problems - Page 38 - Google Books Result

books.google.com.tw/books?isbn=0766190013
Aylmer Maude - 2004 - Biography & Autobiography
and to-day we are told by many that art has nothing to do with morality — that art should ... I went one day, with a lady artist, to the Bodkin Art Gallery, in Moscow.

汪容祖《史傳通說》《章太炎傳》許壽裳 《章太炎的思想》王汎森《章太炎研究》汪榮祖

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王汎森《章太炎的思想》(臺北:時報出版公司,1985)/ 上海人民出版社2012

 《章太炎的思想》从章太炎儒学思想的学术渊源流变入手,分别从其学术成就、对儒家思想的阐释、他的儒学思想与时代思潮的关系,以及其思想对传统儒家的冲击等方面,对章太炎的思想进行了深入论述。该书对章太炎思想和学术成就的重新评价,堪称开了章氏学术思想史研究之先河。

 新版序

.王汎森
本書原名《章太炎的思想(1868~1919)及其對儒學傳統的衝擊》。因為本書敘述的範圍大抵止於新文化運動時期的章太炎,故當初在《章太炎的思想》後題上年代,不意引起不少誤會,因而改題今名。
當作者著手撰寫此書時,一方面因當時關於太炎的系統研究不多,故可供參考的論述實在有限,二方面是格於當時的政治 現實,以致無緣得見不少相關論著,所以下筆之時,大多重頭起造,從零碎的枝節中試著構建太炎的思想世界。我想,如果能有機會重寫此書,作者必花較多時間及 篇幅在概念化上而省略枝節。可惜因為此書的紙型已經遺失,故任何重大的改動只能俟諸他日。
我想借重寫此序的機會,列舉一些本書出版後,我個人所見到的各種語文中關於太炎研究的專書。首先是上海人民出版社 所發行的《章太炎全集》:該書匯集大量學者的心血,待其完全竣事之後,必能給未來的研究者提供莫大方便。此外,像姜義華《章太炎思想研究》(上海人民出版 社.1985年8月);章念馳所編的《章太炎的生平與學術》(三聯書店.1988年)及《章太炎生平與思想研究文選》(浙江人民出版社.1986年):唐 文權、羅福惠的《章太炎思想研究》(華中師大出版社.1986年);汪榮祖的《康章合論》(聯經出版公司.1988年)等。另外如幾種太炎文稿手跡的整理 出版,如吳承仕藏《章炳麟論學集》(北京師大.1982年)及《章太炎先生學術論著手跡選》(華東師大.1986年)。此外,還有一些傳記及單篇論文。
外文論述中,除了一部德文的太炎傳記外,大多是論太炎民族思想和革命的英文作品。如Wong Young-tsu, Search for Modern Nationalism: Zhang Binglin and Revolutionary China, 1869-1936(Oxford Univ. Press, 1989) KauKo Laitinen, Chinese Nationalism in the late Qing Dynasty: Zhang Binglin as an Anti-Manchu Propagandist(Curzon Press, 1990)日本學者島田虔次原著,Joshua Fogel英譯的Pioneer of the Chinese Revolution: Zhang Binglin and Confucianism(Standford Univ. Press, 1990)等。同時,香港大學也於近年召開過一次有關章太炎的國際學術會議。從這些跡象看來,太炎研究已逐步蔚為大國了。 

由於時間的限制,我個人在完成此書後,雖曾斷斷續續做過一點關於太炎的研究(主要是關於太炎與聯省自治運動、及太 炎後期思想變化等)但終不得時間仔細寫定。在本書出版後斷續接觸到的一些史料中,更有不少足以印證或擴充舊說的。譬如過去在討論太炎思想與胡適的關係時, 未曾見到毛以亨的「初到北大的胡適」,後來在整理傅斯年先生的遺物時得讀此篇。毛氏是當時北大學生,對太炎與胡適之思想關聯有生動的觀察。他說:「據我所 知,胡先生之墨子,係取太炎先生的說而發揮之(在港遇錢賓四,賓四亦以為然),其實豈只墨子,胡先生乃唯一能發揚太炎之學的人」。又說「他在西齋時,即將章氏叢書,用新式標點符號拿支筆來圈點一遍,把每句話都講通了,深恐不合原意,則詢於錢玄同,玄同不懂時,則問太炎先生自己」、「太炎先生詆胡先生不懂小 學。我曾對他說,你的學問,當以胡先生為唯一傳人,你的話只為他能完全懂得而加以消化,並予以通俗化」。則章胡二人的思想關係可知矣。此外像《吳虞日記》 出版之後,吳氏及當時四川新學界受太炎思想洗禮的實況就更清楚了。 

愈深入探索章太炎的思想世界,愈能感受到其迷離萬狀。太炎的種族思想是今人讀之最覺荒謬怪異的部份,他對異族近乎 非理性的排斥態度,與中國傳統的思維方式是相決裂的,但卻是在晚清革命中發揮最大影響力的文字,張繼便曾回憶這些文章在當時長江中下游士大夫間形成了無以 估計的影響。它之所以有力,可能是因為古雅的學理中包著最激烈極端的思想吧。太炎的思想主軸是愛國,為了愛國,他可以自由選取或拒斥各種文化、政治資源, 以致有許多看來互相矛盾的地方。近代中國在愛國保種的掙扎下,使得它的文化經歷了一次高分子變化,結果將整個傳統的內容徹底攪翻了。本來,中國傳統文化的 內容是極為複雜的,而且充滿緊張性,在外力威逼之下更促成了重組與變化。同時,文化的承擔者間也有種種複雜的反應。受傳統學術文化最深刻薰陶的人並不一定 支持傳統,受傳統文化教育極少的人,也不一定對傳統價值採冷淡或反對態度。 

革命的人不一定反傳統,而反傳統之人也不一定支持西方思想或現代民主代議制度。痛恨過去歷史的人,並不一定支持或 提倡任何新的改革,而痛恨現況卻又對未來感到猶豫的人,也不一定懷念過去的狀態,此正所謂恨暴秦者並不一定思六國。參與某一變革活動的人,常只是在那歷史 性的特定時刻為了某些相近似的特定目標而聚集在一起,但是變革之後,每個人對下一個終點的定位與取徑之間,有些人止於此,有些人止於彼,經時間的淘洗而日 漸分離。
晚清的復古運動也有相當類似的多歧性。在這一個運動下,各方擁護者其實有相當不同的想法,有的真正信仰古典時代的 文化價值。有的是對現實不滿,而以「古」為武器來對抗現代。有的是在對當前思想狀況不同意,而「智識資源」又有限的情況下,「古」對他們而言便是思想轉換 的一個象徵。有的是因為傳統的壓力太大,故不得不在「古」的名號下偷樑換柱。有的則是想在思想極度混亂、空虛的時代,尋找一個定點。有的是因為對異族政權 不滿,而想回頭尋找更純粹的漢族文化型式。有的則是因現實變局等因素,而對漢以下儒家獨尊的局面感到不滿,故想復興儒術獨尊前的中國文化狀態等等,不一而 足。但他們在復古這一點上是類似的,而且在當時大多真誠相信他們所擁護的主張。可是經過時間的淘洗,再加上每個人的性格因素,不同的發展便紛紛呈現,譬如 有些成為激烈的反傳統主義者,有些則始終持保守態度。這些都是我重寫此序時的一點斷想。

最後,我要再度感謝高信疆、柯元馨夫婦。鄭欽仁老師,我的論文指導教授李永熾、李守孔老師,以及黃俊傑教授、黃進興、劉季倫、沈松僑、李孝悌、吳密察、廖棟樑、周安托、林福財、王明宗等先生。陳婉儀、張守雲小姐,以及當時中國時報人間副刊所有的同事。本書原係碩士論 文,撰於民國七十二年夏天,隨即排版,此後作者便入伍服役,故直到七十四年五月間才首度印行。當時因種種限制而無法在出版前刪潤,此次重印,亦艱於此,故 是書之重版,僅足以請作者年少之愚拙耳。 
----

章太炎傳

章太炎傳,許壽裳,網上購物,網上買書許壽裳

  • 百花文藝出版社
  • 7530638734
  • 2004-07-01
  • 252
  • 簡裝本
  • 大32開



  • 吾衰三百年,刑天丞舞幹。狼狐又橫怒,絳氣殷成山。微命非陳玉,畀鶉良獨難。秦帝不蹈海,歸蒔千竹竿。

    這是“中國文化巨人叢書(近代卷)”的一種,是近代著名思想家、學者、革命家章太炎的傳記。章太炎身處中國社會和文化近代化的轉折時期,是民族、民主的辛 亥革命的理論家和領袖之一,又是卓有建樹的樸學大師,有學者兼革命家的雙重品格。本書一方面盡力把握和開掘太炎先生豐富的心靈世界與性格特徵,另一方面, 又努力探尋太炎先生學者品格和革命家品格的契合點,力圖準確而生動地展示太炎先生的偉大人格。



    前言——作為著述家的許壽裳
    第一章 最近三百年來中國政治和學術的鳥瞰
    第一節 緒言
    第二節 滿洲政府的罪惡
    第三節 民族主義的淪沒
    第四節 帝國主義的倡狂
    第五節 固有學術的 消沉
    第二章 革命元勳的章先生
    第六節 幼年期的民族思想
    第七節 會見國父痛駁康有為時期
    第八節 光復會時期
    第九節 八獄時期
    第十節 編輯《民報》時期
    第十一節 功成後的做官
    第十二節 功成後的被幽囚
    第三章 國學大師的章先生
    第十三節 治學與師友
    第十四節 革命不忘講學
    第十五節 語言文學學上的貢獻
    第十六節 文學上的貢獻
    第十七節 史學上的貢獻
    第十八節 經子及佛學上的貢獻
    第十九節 對於中印文化溝通的期望
    第四章 先生晚年的志行
    第二十節 對於甲骨文的始疑終信
    第二十一節 對於全面抗日的遺志
    第二十二節 先生的日常生活
    第二十三節 “學而不厭·誨人不倦”
    附錄一 著作簡表
    附錄二
    關於太炎先生二三事
    紀念先師太炎先生
    太炎先生軼事簡述
    章太炎先生在獄佚聞錄
    民報社聽講
    關於章太炎先生的回憶
    師事國學大師章太炎
    章太炎師門的晨課——幾幅值得紀念的照片
    我所見晚年的章炳麟(1868-1936)
    國學大師章太炎
    章太炎先生
    太炎先生言行軼錄
    章太炎被羈北京軼事
    記章太炎及其軼事


     ------

    胡適論章太炎


    國故論衡 要算是中國二千年中唯有的七八部精心結構的"著作"他的著作在論文與形式兩方面都能"成一家之言"
    汪榮祖 章太炎研究台北:李敖出版社 1991 的序

    ---
    汪容祖《史傳通說》台北:聯經,1988/1997再版

    此書採半白話半文言方式著譯。
    有些創見,譬如說,頁286的安娜學派(The Annales)---Annales 指此派主要學派,全稱為Annales Economies, sociétés, civilizations—hc案:其實這刊物的名稱數次改變:Annales. Economies, sociétés, civilisations (1946–1994)…..近見國人譯為年鑑學派”…..不知年鑑之類,正為此派所不血屑者…..

    有些地方的翻譯,過於簡略,近於誤譯,譬如說第2頁的湖上之風紋”(like the pattern of……),譯為湖上之風


    再版自序中說:……以之互觀,意不在逐字翻譯也。…..



    張愛玲 ,夏志清,宋淇

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    Hanching Chung 終於確認:我當初讀夏先生寫英國名人的婚外情史的心理背景之猜測。
    【原配的報復】
    今天聯副刊登夏志清的太太王洞為《夏志清、夏濟安書信集卷一》所寫序文,不免想到夏志清生前出版的《張愛玲給我的信件》。張愛玲畢竟是張愛玲,三十餘年通信,夏累積118封,內容如王德威跋中所寫「她寫信的姿態是矜持的,就算談自己的作品和充滿災難的生活,也帶有一種客觀語調,並不輕易露出底線。」
    想從這本書挖甚麼張愛玲秘辛,絕無所獲,了不起只有一段張愛玲批評胡蘭成「講我的部分夾纏得奇怪,」「三十年不見,大家都老了——胡蘭成會把我說成他的妾之一,大概是報復,因為(他)寫過許多信來我沒回信。」
    這段也算不上八卦,張愛玲已經用《小團圓》寫盡了胡蘭成,即使這本書張愛玲生前無意披露,胡蘭成在張迷眼中已經鐵板釘釘。
    《張愛玲給我的信件》整體觀感,張愛玲對夏志清保持淡漠、疏遠的距離,問候也很客套,甚至夏志清拿張愛玲與後起的蔣曉雲並比,也招張的不悅。張主動寫信給夏一定是有事相求。張對夏的關係只能說表面化。
    這本書信集有看頭,或說反客為主的是夏志清的「按語」,以第44封的三頁(比原信多一頁)附語最聳人聽聞,夏志清自道與陳若曦、於梨華、某編輯的戀情,還把黃春明扯入。他直指陳若曦在《堅持、無悔——七十自述》「原配(夏志清前妻)不滿丈夫喜歡中國女生,發現他和王洞戀愛了,和人私奔並鐵了心離婚。」筆鋒一轉,夏志清說起與陳若曦前後兩段情,批評陳若曦的書對此隻字未提「卻借我與某編輯的一段情,對我的前妻及王洞加以人身攻擊,也醜化我。」
    夏志清詳列六點,每一點都不像是一個德高望重的學者會如此不諱私隱而訴諸大眾。他並且自曝秘辛「有一次我去加州演講,預備在三藩市與秀美妹(陳若曦本名秀美)幽會,可惜被王洞發現沒去成,之後陳若曦寫信給我說,她不是一人去接機而是戴了黃春明來。」
    按語落落長,夏志清自道他婚後的情人就是陳若曦、於梨華與某編輯。「其實我是很規矩的,女人不主動,我是不會去追的,現在這兩位小說家不念我曾幫過她們忙,反用真名或話名來醜化我及我的妻子。當年偷了人家的丈夫,現在又昧了良心,給這丈夫的妻子抹黑。」讀完這些段落的人可能錯覺是在看壹週刊。
    很多人讀這封信的按語,都不相信是夏志清寫的,並且書信集編輯過程,他臥病在床。但夏本人在序文說明第103封之前都是他寫的按語,之後才由王洞接手。
    這段公案由中國的《時代周報》2013年春天專訪夏志清、王洞解答了。王洞承認這段按語是她寫的。王洞說:「夏先生看了陳若曦的書很生氣,才把當年陳若曦怎樣引誘他,描繪出來,他要寫出來。可是他老了,哪有精神寫?我伺候他,沒時間替他寫,就在書裡澄清一下。」
      
    陳若曦說王洞是夏志清婚姻破裂的第三者,王洞則說,夏志清前妻難以忍受他與兩位女作家的外遇而離去。不過夏志清已作古,他的風流史真相如何仍是羅生門。但原配的報復不可小覷,在這篇訪問中,王洞:「將來我會寫自傳的,這個事情不可以造謠的,夏先生保留了所有朋友的信,包括情書在內。」
     名人寫書信暗藏風險,由上述點滴就不由得更佩服張愛玲了。張愛玲一生孤獨清醒。她深知自己的名字將演繹流傳,因而寫信也不鬆手。她於1980年代與莊信正通信時明確表明「我的信發表沒關係,如果有聲明請不要告訴別人,須要塗抹的絕對看不見。」莊信正是仰慕的晚輩,夏志清對張愛玲有知遇之恩,張無法約束夏,這或許是張愛玲戒慎的因素之一。
    網路圖片:夏志清、王洞
    楊索的相片。

    ----
    夏志清文學的前途台北:純文學19741-30

     回顧與前瞻
     文學革命
     1958年來中國大陸的文學
     文學的前途
     位優秀的小說家
     老殘遊記》新論
     沈從文的短篇小說
      姜貴的重陽》----兼論中國近代小說之傳統
     又見棕櫚又見棕櫚》序
     ......




    夏志清
      原籍江蘇吳縣,1921年出生於上海浦東。美國耶魯大學英文系博士。曾任教美國密西根大學、紐約州立大學、哥倫比亞大學等校。2006年7月當選中央研究院院士。
      夏志清學貫中西,中英文著作皆極具分量,且影響深遠。著有《中國現代小說史》、《中國古典小說》等學術名作,文學評論集《愛情.社會.小說》、《文學的前途》、《人的文學》、《新文學的傳統》等。


    張愛玲給我的信件
    作者:夏志清/編註
    出版社:聯合文學
    出版日期:2013年

    目錄

    【自序】張愛玲給我的信件    夏志清
    一、華盛頓,一九六三年五月~六六年九月
    二、俄亥俄州牛津,一九六六年十月~六七年三月
    三、曼哈頓,一九六七年四月~六月
    四、麻州康橋,一九六七年六月~六九年六月
    五、加州柏克萊,一九六九年七月~七二年十月
    六、洛杉磯,一九七二年十月~九四年五月
    【代跋】「信」的倫理學      王德威
    【附錄】妓女、士兵、窮小孩 ─布雷克名詩賞析   夏志清
    發表紀錄

    自序
    張愛玲給我的信件
      一九九五年九月八 日在電話上聽到張愛玲去世的消息後,不出兩三天即為中國時報《人間副刊》趕寫了一篇文章〈超人才華,絕世悽涼:悼張愛玲〉,主要參考資料即是一九七○年以 來她所寄我的信件,現成放在我書房的公文櫃內,抽閱很方便。但張愛玲至遲在一九六一年三月收到我寄她的英文初版《中國現代小說史》後,即該同我通信了,某 一天我查看原先專存先父、先兄家信的四隻長盒,無意中發現其中一只早已改放了幾個文學界重要朋友的信件,張愛玲大部分六○年代的信件也在內,可惜沒有一九 六三年以前的信,可能因搬家被我丟棄。我自一九六二年六月,從匹茲堡遷居紐約以來,雖搬了兩次家,一次從六樓搬到二樓,另一次從一一五街搬到一一三街,所 有的書信文件都未遭遺失。一九六三年以來張愛玲所有給我的信件都可以按年月有系統地排列起來了。
      愛玲來信大部分找到之後,我當然也想起 了三十多年來我自己給她更多的信。她經常在信上抱怨搬家遺失東西之苦,因之初在《對照記》上看到了「三搬當一燒」這句名言,我對自己的信件究竟保存了幾封 更不敢樂觀。但人已不在,連我給她的信也覺得很珍貴,於是一九九六年秋我給了宋淇夫人鄺文美一封信,問候兩位的健康,順便也問及愛玲遺物裡有無我信札之 事。文美嫂體弱,不寫回信自在我意料之中。十二月四日我先後從蔡思果、高克毅二兄那裡聽到了悌芬兄去世的消息,除了在年卡上向文美嫂致唁以外,更不敢去驚 動她。但隔不久我即收到《聯合文學》總編初安民先生約稿的信,無論如何要在三月份這期書信專號上見到張愛玲給我的信。我想假如《聯文》讀者看到的,不只是 愛玲的書信,而是我同她的信札來往(correspondence),豈不是更有價值,讀起來也更有味道?因此在文美嫂最哀痛忙碌的期間,我不得不再去信 麻煩她,並托克毅兄在電話上為我說項。終於在正月三十日星期四下午我收到了文美嫂的航空快信和我的舊信十六封。星期五下午她還來電話問我有無收到了信件。 星期六又收到了她一封「扶病作覆」的航快信。文美嫂如此赤心待我,無以為報,只有好好寫篇悼念悌芬兄的文章給她看看,也留給世人作參考。遺憾的是,這篇悼 文至今尚未寫出,文美嫂亦已做古。
      在收到自己舊信之前,我已盡了一番努力,把所有愛玲寄給我的名片年卡和信札,憑其日期先後排出一個次 序來。愛玲長圓形的字跡,個個端莊,認清不難。但她有個壞習慣,即在信末只寫下某月某日而不記其年份。我自己也不好,多少年來書房裡只有一座四隻抽屜的公 文櫃,供保存信札之用。但六○年代以還,朋友與信札與年俱增而公文櫃容量不變,只好把舊信從個別檔案裡抽出,放在大信封內,另做處置。同時我也只好丟掉好 多信封以便容納新信。這對寫明年月日的信件,沒有關係,但我把愛玲的信封丟了一小半,實在是自添麻煩。有好幾封信,要做了好幾種周密的考慮後,才能決定其 年份。有時難免出錯,我曾把信件編號一○一誤作七十一,在《聯文》第二一三期,以信一○二又登一次。
      張愛玲的信大半寫在洋蔥紙 (onion paper)Onionskin上,隔了多少年,潔白如舊,折縫的地方也不會破裂。有些信則寫在以紙漿(pulp)為主要成份的劣紙上,色澤早已轉黃,折縫處黃色更深,且容 易破裂。有大志的讀者,最好從小養成用洋蔥紙或其他高級紙張寫信的習慣。說不定自己真會成了大名,連早年寫的信件也有可能流傳後世的。
       開始連載張愛玲給我的信件時,我只有一○六封,後來又找到了十五封,連同以前少算的一封,該有一二二封。這是我在《聯文》第一五五期〈張愛玲給我的信件 (五)〉的統計。南加大(University of Southern California)圖書館收藏張愛玲的手稿信件,由浦麗琳女士經手,我二○○七年將張愛玲的信,連同我的信十六封半,出讓給南加大。當時只覺得她的信 應該由大學圖書館保存,沒有想到不能借出,供讀者觀賞。影印時,少了四封。我曾把信一○一算了兩次,把給莊信正的信誤作是給我的,其餘兩封,即不知去向 了。一九六三~六九計四十六封;一九七○~七九計四十九封;一九八○~八九計十七封:一九九○~九四計六封,共一百一十八封。自八○年代起,她給我的信越 來越少,一九八五到一九八八年四月竟三年無信。看了她一九八八年四月六=日的信,才知她這些年,為搬家,看牙齒,疲於奔命「剩下的時間,只夠吃睡,才有收 信不拆看的荒唐行徑。」。她身體每況愈下。重讀這些信令人心酸。
      張愛玲為了生活不得不做她不喜歡的事,教書,做研究非其所長。她不與人 接觸,只能寫她熟悉的事,她改寫《怨女》,《半生緣》都是說的老上海,揭露中國人的醜陋,不合美國人的胃口,得不到出版商的青睞。除了皇冠的稿費沒有固定 的收入,耽誤了看好醫生,將皮膚癢當作跳蚤侵蝕,屢次搬家,影響了她的創作力。真為她惋惜。
      張愛玲給我的信自一九九七年四月首次發表, 距今己逾十五年。現終於編集成書,感謝主編羅珊珊女士的敦促與內人王洞的協助。這些信件按時間排列,按發信的地址分成六組:一、華盛頓,一九六三年五月~ 六六年九月;二、俄亥俄州牛津,一九六六年十月~六七年三月;三、曼哈頓,一九六七年四月~六月; 四、麻州康橋,一九六七年六月~六九年六月;五、加州柏克萊,一九六九年七月~七二年十月;六、洛杉磯,一九七二年十月~九四年五月。書內張愛玲的信件, 信末括號內的年份都是我所加的。通常在每封信後面有我的按語,對信裡所載之事實及其背景做了些註解和說明,這些按語可短可長。當然有些信件是不需加按語 的。最近我因感冒住院三天,為了趕時間,第一○三封以後的信,按語為王洞所加。我的半封信H 1附在信三十七之後,宋淇夫人寄還我的十六封信,都是一九八五年以後寫的,也按日期編號,號碼前加以H,標明是我給張愛玲的信。自信一○七後,附在相關的 來信後面。希望這些信有助於解讀張愛玲。
      對張愛玲旅美生活不太熟悉的讀者可參閱司馬新的《張愛玲與賴雅》(簡稱《張賴》,大地出版社,一九九六)。
    夏志清

    內容連載

    1

    〔明信片〕

    稿尚未改完,下月初想仍在紐約,當儘早寄上。一再耽延,乞諒。祝


    E.五月十九(一六六三)

    2

    志清:

    近來可好?我這些時都沒有寫信來,因為一直在忙着改這小說,上星期總算寄出,大概日內該收到了。寄出後又發現些錯誤,這裡附上兩頁,代替原來的 53、54頁。至於為什麼需要大改特改,我想一個原因是一九四九年曾改編電影,因共黨來滬未拍成,留下些電影劇本的成分未經消化。英文本來是在紐英倫鄉間 寫的,與從前的環境距離太遠,影響很壞,不像在大城市裡蹲在家裡,住在哪裡也沒有多大分別。你說也許應當先在雜誌上發表,恐怕風格相近的雜誌難找。「星期 六晚報」的小說似乎不是公式化就是名作家的。「Esquire」新文藝腔極重,小型雜誌也是文藝氣氛較明顯。以前的代理人沒試過雜誌,大出版公司全都試 過,Random House是Hiram Haydn看過。我覺得在這階段或者還是先給你認識的批評家與編輯看看,不過當然等你看過之後再看着辦,也不必隨時告訴我。事實是在改寫中,因為要給你過 目,你曾經賞識《金鎖記》的,已經給了我一點insight,看出許多毛病,使我非常感激。我喜歡收到信,自己都寫慣一兩行的明信片,恐怕令兄不會高興跟 我通信,但是我希望你們倆不論有什麼作品都寄一份給我看看。我對翻譯很有興趣,預備在Joint Publications Research Service領點政治性的東西來譯,但是他們根據學位給錢,而我連大學都沒讀完。有個Joint Committee on Contemporary China,貴校的Prof. Doak Barnett & Prof. C. Martin Wilbur都在裡面,不知道他們找人翻譯是不是也分等級?得便能不能替我打聽打聽?這是不急之務,請不要特爲抽空給我寫信。我月底搬家,地址是

    1315 C Street SE, Apt. 22

    電話仍是547-1552。祝

    安好,前一向Harlem出事我擔心是不是離你們這裡很近。

    愛玲九月廿五(一九六三)

    【按語】

    第一封信是張明片,寄我哥大校址。一九六五年六月開始,所有他的信件才改寄我的公寓地址。明片寄自Apt. 207, 105 6th St. , S.E. , Washington, D.C.。一九六二年三月張愛玲從香港回來,即搬進她丈夫賴雅(Ferdinand Reyher),同年正月即以找到的這個公寓。第二封信上說,她將於一九六三年九月底搬進同城 Apt. 22, 1315 C St, S.E.。一九六七年張愛玲搬居麻州康橋後,曾寄我一份三頁的履歷表。上面寫到她於同年十一月才搬出第六街那個公寓而遷入Apt. 22, 1335 13th St, S.E.。細查這兩個喬遷後的住址,只有公寓號碼是一樣的。不出兩三年,張愛玲竟把華府舊居的街道也記錯,實在不易置信。十一月搬家之說想也是誤記。

    張愛玲在第六街那個公寓住了將近兩年,五月十九日那張明片一九六二年寄出也並非不可能。但明片上提到的那篇改稿也即是第二封信上她謂已寄給我審閱 的那部英文小說稿The Rouge of the North(北地胭脂)。此稿脫胎於〈金鎖記〉,原題Pink Tears(粉淚),一九五六年她居留麥道偉文藝營(Macdowell Colony)期間,即在專心寫作這部小型的長篇小說了。一九五七年初,《粉淚》可能已經完稿,但根據司馬新的記載,出版她第一本英文小說《秧歌》的 Scribners公司,卻「不準備選用她的第二部小說,即《粉淚》。這個消息對她當然是個不小的打擊。」(《張賴》頁一一五)因之有好多年她把《粉淚》 拋在一旁,從事其他的編譯寫作計畫。香港回來後,她決定把《粉淚》改寫成《北地胭脂》,一九六七年終於由倫敦Cassell書局出版。

    大家都知道,《北地胭脂》的中文本即是《怨女》。愛玲自己分析《粉淚》失敗,一因「英文本是在紐英倫鄉間寫的,與從前的環境距離太遠,影響很 壞」。二是因為一九四九年愛玲曾把〈金鎖記〉改編電影,片雖未拍成,「留下些電影劇本的成分未經消化」。要好好研究〈金鎖記〉轉成《怨女》的經過,那部電 影劇本假如還能找到,應該受到我們的重視。

    愛玲要我把《北地胭脂》稿找幾個「批評家與編輯看看」。除了哥大幾位教授外,紐約的名批評家和編輯我實在一個也不認識。後來愛玲信上指名要我找同 系教授Donald Keene,只好硬了頭皮請他把書稿加以審閱,但他的反應並不太好。早在五、六○年代,美國學人間譯介古今日本文學的,Keene即已推為第一功臣。他居 然看了《北地胭脂》稿,也算是我天大的面子。Keene二○一二入日籍,定居日本。

    賴雅身體越來越壞,每月只領到社會福利金五十二元,連付房租都不夠。愛玲在改寫小說期間,電影劇本也不寫了,只好靠翻譯工作來維持生活。為此她在 信上問及Doak Barnett、C. Martin Wilbur這兩位哥大教授。後者中文名字叫韋慕庭,一直同中央研究院近代史研究所保持了友善的關係,一九九七年去世。Barnett耶魯大學畢業,一九 四七取得該校國際關係碩士,曾寫過不少報導中共政治的書,一九六九即離開哥大,到華府著名的研究機構Brookings Institution去工作。一九九九因肺癌去世。 
    3


    夏先生:

    上次匆匆一面,您一口答應幫忙,使我感愧萬分。英文金鎖記我這裡只有一份模糊的copy,向代理人處取回原稿很費周折,迄今還未收到,拿到了還有 幾頁需要重打,不然可以請您直接到她辦公室去拿,同在紐約,省得寄來寄去費時間。這兩天我也正在擔心耽擱太久,等您拿去給人看,已經都避暑去了。昨天聽高 先生給您帶口信,真是從何說起,怎麼會懷疑您的誠意,都怪我沒早寫信來解釋耽延的原故,實在內疚。令兄是否仍在西岸,通信時望代問候。我因為您二位都像是 多年不見的老朋友,感慨太深,只想避免這心理上的重負,急不擇題地找着陳教授講西遊記,自己也覺得可笑。金鎖記已經收到稍加整理就寄來,許多改動的地方也 許您不贊成,看過後希望儘管告訴我。祝

    闔宅安好

    Eileen四月廿三(一九六四)

    【按語】

    「上次匆匆一面」即指同年三月二十一日下午愛玲同高克毅、陳世驤、我們兄弟在華府Market Inn喝香檳酒的那一次。飲酒之前,我和先兄已在亞洲學會的年會上宣讀了講《西遊記》、《西遊補》的兩篇論文。陳世驤為該場小組會議的主席,故連愛玲都有興趣同他講《西遊記》。

    張函1、2即已提到了改寫〈金鎖記〉的英文稿。對我來說,「英文金鎖記」並非news,不會急着要去看它的。想來愛玲要我把她的文稿「拿去給人 看」,我「一口答應幫忙」,卻不見她把文稿寄我。我性急,即托克毅兄「帶口信」,這反把愛玲急壞了,改口稱我為「夏先生」一百一拾八封信中,如此稱我的只 此一封。

    4

    〔明信片〕

    稿已收到,方整理中,發現多處需刪改重打,下週當可寄奉,恐已值暑假,擬寄府上。祝
    安好

    E. 五月十一(一九六四)

    5

    志清:

    收到你的信後,因為要找Knopf等三家編輯名字,剛搬家後找東西很難,這兩天又在忙着看牙醫生,前一向有些積壓的工作也要趕着做,所以耽擱了這 些天,結果找到五封都不是,明知無益,附寄給你看看。較早的一批存在New Hampshire一時無法查。Knopf我記得是這些退稿信裡最憤激的一封,大意是:「所有的人物都令人起反感。如果過去的中國是這樣,豈不連共產黨都 成了救星。我們曾經出過幾部日本小說,都是微妙的,不像這樣squalid。我倒覺得好奇,如果這小說有人出版,不知道批評家怎麼說。」我忘了是誰具名, 總之不是個副編輯。那是一九五七,這小說那時候叫「Pink Tears」。雖然他們曾經改組,我想除非Mr. Keene感到興趣,不必再拿去了。共黨一點我曾當面告訴你,與另一家Norton不約而同。此間的大出版公司,原來的經紀人全都送去過。Grove與 New Directions也在內。Partisan,Kenyon Review我非常重視,不過覺得他們不會要。如揀一章有地方色彩的試試,就叫「Shanghai」。中篇小說一次登不完,恐也難賣。「金鎖記」原文不在 手邊,但是九年前開始改寫前曾經考慮翻譯它,覺得無從着手,因為是多年前寫的,看法不同,勉強不來。如果你的兩位同事無能為力,雜誌上也賣不掉,日本還有 一家Tuttle,與Keene是否有關?此外只好試試英國,如果你那邊沒有熟人,我自己寄去也行。反正由你經手一天,請儘管自由處置,我們完全業務化好 嗎?我在香港翻譯翻得很上勁,在此地卻不值得,你說得有理。夜深不多寫了,如找到那三家編輯的名字會再寫信來。缺少information使你更棘手,真 對不起。

    愛玲十月十六(一九六四)

    【按語】

    要瞭解為什麼當年張愛玲在美國不吃香,此信是個很重要的文獻。《北地胭脂》後來終於在英國出版,可說簡直沒有一點反應。

    Partisan Review是紐約的一份老牌文藝季刊,原先左傾,後來轉為反蘇聯知識分子的喉舌。先兄早於一九五五年即有一篇小說〈The Jesuit’s Tale〉(侯健譯〈耶穌會教士的故事〉見《夏濟安選集》)在該刊發表。

    Tuttle這家書局專印與日本有關的書籍,包括日本文學英譯在內。在六○年代,與東亞有關的英文刊物上常見它的廣告。 
    6
     志清:

    收到你的信的時候我正患感冒,不然馬上會回信,因為實在過意不去,你幫別人的忙反而覺得guilty。我本來也顧慮到這一點,所以那天托你的時候 曾經說,我唯一的條件是如果碰釘子你不要覺得難受。Mr. Keene在百忙中抽出許多時間來看稿子與寫這封長信,當然是看你份上,我在這裡附了封信謝他。小說頁數少與小打字機有關,否則大概有三百頁上下。請人 endorse,中國人讚中國人他們不相信的。賣給雜誌先要有出版商感到興趣,正如你所說。我一向有個感覺,對東方特別喜愛的人,他們所喜歡的往往正是我 想拆穿的。Tuttle或者也不是例外,還事先試過英國再說。得便就請你寄給我,不要掛號保險等等。這次我費了幾個月的功夫改它,在我是還了自己一筆債, 非常感激你給我的impetus,這是真話。Mr. McCarthy一直關心我的寫作,這些年來給了我很大的精神上的支持,你也已經給了我很多,我也不再道謝,你也千萬不要抱歉,更使我不安。我很高興你替 我問過Prof. Wilbur。我喜歡翻譯也是因為是機械化的工作,不妨礙寫作,但是情形不同,連香港現在也和我從前在那裡譯書的時候兩樣。近來我生活很安靜,想把寫了一 小半的長篇寫完它。另外有幾個短篇小說遲早要寫。至於它們的出路,只好走着瞧。過天再談,希望你這一向一切都好。

    愛玲十一月廿一夜(一九六四)

    【按語】

    重讀真情流露的六四年5、6二信,感慨很多。愛玲所謂「對東方特別喜愛的人,他們所喜歡的往往正是我想拆穿的。」其實我在哥大教書何嘗不是如此, 想盡可能多拆穿些傳統中國的東洋鏡。但我勢孤力單,有什麼用?不僅新儒家是熱門,到了二十世紀末年,好像任何宗教的勢力都在膨脹,五四時期所提倡的那種批 判精神倒反而算是過時的了。

    7

    志清:

    你近來可好?我正在把那篇小說譯成中文,一改成原本的語言就可以看出許多地方「不是那麼回事」,只好又改,Donald Keene所說的不清楚的地方當然也在內。譯完後預備把英文原稿再擱幾個月再譯回來重打,距離遠些可以看的清楚一點。費許多手腳,都是 an exercise in futility,但是又不能不這樣做。我遲早總要寄到英國去,以前因為經紀人嫌版稅少一直不肯送去,現在暫時也是談不到,以後有什麼發展再跟你商量。上 次收到宋家的信知道Stephen好些了。今天陰曆元旦開筆寫信給你,順便祝你一年諸事順遂,寫信給令兄的時候請帶問候。

    愛玲二月二日(一九六五)

    【按語】

    愛玲陰曆元旦寫信給我,想來聖誕節他未寄年卡。到了一九六四年,賴雅想已便溺失禁,癱瘓在床,因之家裡的「氣氛陰沉而壓抑」(《張賴》頁一六 八),愛玲更無心同好友通信,只是那些信件同一九六一~六三年的其他信件,想都藏在一處,一時找不到而已。她托我找Keene,我把他的反應轉達,就得憑 書信來往。愛玲從不來電話,但我明切記得他的女經紀人在美國找不到一家書局肯出《北地胭脂》,更不願把書稿交給英國書商出版,想原是從他信上看來的。

    宋淇原名宋奇,字悌芬,英文名字為Stephen C. Soong,筆名林以亮。老友給他信都稱他為Stephen,後來的信上大多直稱宋奇,再改稱「宋淇」。

    8

    志清:

    我很早聽見令兄的噩耗,非常震動,那天匆匆一面,如在目前,也記得你們倆同飛紐約的話。在他這年紀,實在使我覺得人生一切無定,從來還沒有這樣切 實的感到。Stephen信上也說他百忙中答應譯書,不知道是否給他添病,因此耿耿。我這些時也就在忙着譯那本書,今天剛寄出。一直想寫信給你,也是覺得 無話可說,所以遲到今天。你在這一切之間還在替我想辦法,待人實在熱心。托蔣彝的事,我覺得不必問他了,Norton不會有興趣的,他只忙着自己也是常 情,在國人尤其是意中事。這可是可遇而不可求的,只要你隨時替我留神就是了。明年印第安那開會,原則上我當然願意去,不過我向來得到人的幫助總是文字上來 的,單靠個性從來沒用,這是實話。似乎總應當做點成績出來才行,和你們講學的又情形不同。我住在華盛頓完全是accident,不過現在搬了個便宜而很喜 歡的房子,所以不想再搬。固定收入是從來沒有過。托你的那部小說改寫不是為了能不能出版的問題,因為改了之後也不一定有人要,不過總要自己這一關先通過。 現在中文本就快寫完了,如果出單行本一定第一個寄給你看。近來我特別感到時間消逝之快,寒絲絲的。這封信耽擱的太久,明天儘早寄出──其實這時候寫着已經 天亮了。高先生近來沒看見,麥卡塞也調到南越去了。「文星」的紀念號你手邊如果有就寄一本給我,不然我下次到Library of Congress中文部,他們大概有。



    安好

    愛玲六月十六晨(一九六五)
    語】

    先兄濟安一九六五年二月二十三日在加州柏克萊中風不治而亡。朋友弔唁的信我看到很多,愛玲這封寄出已在六月中旬,可說是很遲的了。但讀來極為感 人,尤其「近來我特別感到時間消逝之快,寒絲絲的」那一句,極有張味。在濟安的遺物裡我只找到了愛玲一九五七年初給他的一封郵簡和同年年底的一張年卡。郵 簡上她特別提到了《文學雜誌》將刊出的一篇文章:「聽說貴刊將載令弟的〈張愛玲論〉,我自己反省了一下過去的工作,自己先覺得慚愧。」先兄也在同年正月號 《文學雜誌》上刊登了她的小說〈五四遺事〉。但二人僅有的一次見面則在一九六四年三月二十一日星期六那天下午。克毅兄(信裡的「高先生」)作東,地點在福 華Market Inn這家小館子。 麻煩了Keene教授,我還想去托蔣彝,正如愛玲所言,我「待人實在熱心」。我同蔣彝同一辦公室十多年,一向關係很好。後來他一意親共,故意同我疏遠,我 也不去理他了。他寫了一系列啞行者(The Silent Traveller)詩畫遊記,強調傳統式的中國情趣和幽默。退休後寫了一冊《重訪祖國》(China Revisited, 1977),卻搖身一變為中共宣傳員,大罵英美帝國主義,書格甚低,銷路想來也很慘。但蔣彝的美國出版商諾登公司(W. W. Norton)我卻很喜歡,出的書也相當精,所以有意請蔣彝把《北地胭脂》推薦給諾登。

    麥卡賽(Richard McCarthy,也稱Dick McCarthy)是位深愛中國文藝、東亞文藝的美國文化官員。受惠者除了張愛玲外,還有聶華苓、陳若曦等名作家。台北《文星月刊》第十六卷第一期(一九六五)爲先兄出了個專輯,載有拙文〈亡兄濟安雜憶〉。

    9

    志清:

    這一向天天惦記着要寫信給你,但是說來荒唐,「北地胭脂」(現在叫「怨女」)的中文本直到現在剛搞完,所以一直定不下心來寫信。什麼時候能把英文 本譯好打好,也講不定,機械化的工作應當快些。近來時刻覺得時間過去之快,成為經常的精神上的壓迫。「現代文學」你們兄弟倆信特別有興趣,過天還想再看一 遍。裡面提到「海上花」,這本書我一直最喜歡,老有個志願把它譯成英文,可是這一類的工作往哪兒去找?除非自己寫的東西有點名。所以我找到副業永遠是個 vicious circle,能夠寫作為生又不必找副業了。想幫我打破這vicious circle的寥寥幾個人是我最感激的,因為我知道這問題之難。聶華苓的名字我常常聽見的,「失去的金鈴子」是不是指那種蟲?(Houghton Mifflin早已試過的。)得便請替我謝謝她轉「鐵漿」給我,我另外寫張明信片去謝作者。印第安那來了封信講明年開會的事,我今天剛回信,真有點不好意 思,像個只說不寫的作者。過天再談,希望你這一向好。

    愛玲十月卅一(一九六五)

    【按語】

    先兄去世後,白先勇在《現代文學》第二十五期(一九六四年七月)上出了一個「夏濟安先生紀念專輯」。我重讀先兄舊信,特為此輯彙集了一篇〈夏濟安 對中國俗文學的看法〉。愛玲在信上提到「你們兄弟倆的信」,其實該篇所錄的都是濟安一人的信。有一封談到了《海上花》,因為此書少有人提起,愛玲顯然大為 激動,直承「這本書我一直最喜歡,老有個志願把它譯成英文」。我的回信見不到,但想來鼓勵她不要氣餒,向某些基金會,大學研究機構申請一筆錢翻譯中國名着 還不算太困難。兩年之後,愛玲能請到一筆獎金去翻譯《海上花》,我想同這次通信有些關係的。

    《失去的金鈴子》是聶華苓的一部小說。愛玲囑我向她道謝的事,我一點也沒有印象了。Houghton Mifflin是波士頓一家老牌書局。圓括號裡提到它的那句話,意義不明。〈鐵漿〉當然是朱西甯最有名的一篇短篇小說。假如愛玲看了〈鐵漿〉之後,真的寫 張明信片向朱西甯道謝,他應該激動異常,因為張一直是他最崇拜的作家。

    10
     志清:

    譯「海上花」事你想的非常周到。這本書胡適特別賞識,我剛到紐約時見到他,也忘了提,後來當然也來不及了。教書我雖然資歷不合格,也願意試試,等 你幾時有空就請寫封信給Mr. Michael打聽打聽。Dick McCarthy想介紹我到Iowa U. 教書,我一直擔心換個環境沒有privacy,會更寫不出東西,結果也沒說成。有本參考書20th Century Authors,同一家公司要再出本Mid-Century Authors,寫信來叫我寫個自傳,我借此講有兩部小說賣不出,幾乎通篇都講語言障礙外的障礙。他們不會用的──一共只出過薄薄一本書。等退回來我寄給 你看。韓素英除親共外,也sentimental,寫與白種人戀愛,也使讀者能identify自己,又引些古詩等等,不但慕風雅的 suburbanites喜歡,就連像高先生,並不親共,也熟悉中國,照樣喜歡而且佩服。各人口味不同,我自己也愛看有些並沒什麼好的書,我是毫不相干 的,例如考古與人種學,我看了好些,作為一種逃避,尤其是關於亞洲大陸出來的人種。這種東西沒有學位毫無用處,不過是好癖,而這些有興趣的東西我寫信從來 沒工夫說,所以看了你們兄弟的信特別過癮似的。那本「現代文學」上別的文章,那些青年作家寫師長之類的人,總不及寫他們小時候認識的人,但也可以想見生 平。於梨華曾有封信給我,她是不是華東、華中人?「怨女」再譯成英文,又發現幾處要添改,真是個無底洞,我只想較對得起原來的故事。總算快譯完了。中文本 五六年前就想給星島晚報連載,至今才有了稿子寄去,想必有別的在登着,出書的事托Stephen料理,雖然他還沒怎樣復元,好在是不急之務。今天年卅晚 上,正寫着信,電視上是時代廣場上的午後,本地同時也鳴砲一響,正好祝你明年諸事如意。

    愛玲十二月卅一(一九六五)

    【按語】

    不管新舊曆,愛玲喜在大除夕、元旦寫信。我自己十二月忙於寫年卡,除夕元旦除非要補寫幾張年卡,也就不寫信了。

    Mr. Michael即西雅圖華盛頓大學Franz Michael教授。梅格爾原籍德國,堅決反共,也是校中國近代史研究計畫Modern Chinese Project的主管人。先兄的才華他特別欣賞,因之我想到他可能也樂於援助愛玲。在原信首頁的「右眉」上,我曾寫下了這一條:

    今晚給Franz Michael一信,推薦張愛玲;also硬了頭皮,給王世杰、閻振興兩封信,請他們給姜貴一事半職。此事拖了半年,今晚才辦成。

    「今晚」可能即是收到來信的那個晚上。但既爲愛玲寫了封推薦信,我受托於姜貴要寫的兩封信也就非寫不可了。在美國用英文寫信很方便,致函總統和致 函同行學者,語調是一樣的。當年在國內,寫信給位德高望重的官長,非得學會一套客氣話不可。這套話我說不來,因之雅不願意同要人們寫信。胡適去世後,王世 杰即繼任為中央研究院院長,閻振興一九六五年剛陞任教育部長。姜貴要我呈函二長,為他說項,實在可說是an exercise in futility,但信我還是寫了。《中國現代小說史》首版附錄裡有一節肯定《旋風》為台灣小說之突出傑作。姜貴知悉後即同我通信不斷,歷年來他給我的信 件可能有七八十封。





    ****
     宋淇與張愛玲


    ◎鄭樹森 1977 年獲加州大學比較文學博士後,應聘到香港中文大學任教,因此認識宋淇(林以亮)先生。宋淇先生見知於李卓敏校長,極受重用,因此有些同事對宋先生一言一行 都非常關注。李校長的中文演講稿都由宋先生代筆,有時宋先生找我一起去聽李校長演講,告訴我那是他的傑作。他是校長的特別助理,但他不是教員,又不在體制 之內,不需要向任何單位負責,只需要向校長交代,因此校內很多人對宋先生非常忌憚。他的身體狀況不太好,經常說自己割了一邊肺,還強調他所服用的所有藥 物,由抗生素到胃藥,都需要是最先進、剛在美國研發不久的,給我們感覺他弱不禁風,但抱病堅持;事實上他管的事情非常多,編輯相當小心和仔細,能看出他事 無大小都關注的作風。
    關於《哀樂中年》劇本
    1979年我準 備回美教書,未及了解他跟張愛玲的關係、1940年代後期他在上海的狀況。1982年回來後私談較多,宋先生強調那是他跟張愛玲的個人交往,不便對外公 開,但很多內容在2010年新版的《張愛玲私語錄》中已可知道,倒是關於《哀樂中年》的創作問題,《張愛玲私語錄》好像沒有提及。大概在1983年秋天, 他很慎重地跟我說,桑弧電影《哀樂中年》片頭的掛名編劇是桑弧,但實際是張愛玲手筆。宋先生特別舉出兩、三場戲,包括在墳前的一場,說那明顯是張愛玲的手 筆,不可能出自桑弧。他會跟我說這件事,因為香港中國電影學會剛剛成立,夏天還去了北京選片,桑弧的電影在回顧展中上映,我們是由此談起的。當時我知道這 部電影,但沒有看過,只在程季華的《中國電影發展史》裡看過介紹,也從胡金銓導演處借得《哀樂中年》1950年初在大陸出版的劇本來看。宋先生透露這電影 劇本是張愛玲跟桑弧合作,不是桑弧單一創作;依宋先生的說法,甚至幾乎是桑弧提出大綱,然後由張愛玲從頭到尾完成。宋先生特別強調,這事一則不能對外透 露,二則不能去求證,因為求證起來,無論桑弧還是張愛玲,都不會承認。我問為什麼,宋先生不願意解釋,只說總之兩位當事人都不會承認。我提出可以通過〈聯 合副刊〉向張愛玲查證,但宋先生說她不會跟我們說這個問題,而桑弧在改革開放之初生死下落也不能查證。我只覺得宋先生十分神祕,跟他平日對中大很多校務欲 言又止的作風如出一轍,謎團一直藏在心中。
    1987年3月《聯合文學》張愛玲卷出版後,我以總策畫的身分送一本請宋先生指教,並再次去信探 問此事,因我在美終於看到這部電影,而且這期專號「出土」張愛玲1962年電影劇本《小兒女》。宋先生因病,遲至1987年8月21日才覆一長信,仍堅持 「二人都不會承認」的說法:「兄另一信中詢及的問題是桑和張二人間的私事,弟不便多說。即使說出來,雙方都不會承認,然弟決未捏造。《聯文》出了張愛玲卷 後,有讀者去信,指出電影劇本《小兒女》手法和《哀樂》近似,此人頗有眼光。兄是做學問認真,事事追根究柢,二人關係非比尋常,梁京的筆名,即由桑代起, 何況桑仍在大陸……」但此信又提供梁京筆名來歷的額外線索。
    噤聲的種種緣由
    及 至1989年我覺得不妨一試直接查問,便將《哀樂中年》劇本影印交有意發表的〈聯合副刊〉,請瘂弦先生送去給張愛玲;他請蘇偉貞編輯代表去信確認是否她的 手筆,以便安排在是年9月30日張愛玲生日時刊出。張愛玲1990年1月2日的回信,承認劇本由她「編寫」;同年3月13日的信又說:「我其實從小出名的 記性壞,一問什麼都『忘了!』陽曆生日只供填表用,陰曆也早已不去查是哪一天了。當然仍舊感謝〈聯副〉等9月再發表《哀樂中年》劇本的這份生日禮物,不過 看了也不會勾起任何回憶來。」〈聯合副刊〉1990年9月30日至10月23日共以二十四天刊完電影劇本。同年11月6日張愛玲來信說:「偉貞小姐:今年 春天您來信說要刊載我的電影劇本《哀樂中年》。這張四十年前的影片我記不清楚了,見信以為您手中的劇本封面上標明作者是我。我對它特別印象模糊,就也歸之 於故事題材來自導演桑弧,而且始終是我的成分最少的一部片子。〈聯副〉刊出後您寄給我看,又值賤忙,擱到今天剛拆閱,看到篇首鄭樹森教授的評介,這才想起 來這片子是桑弧編導,我雖然參預寫作過程,不過是顧問,拿了些劇本費,不具名。……」(以上三信原件影本見蘇偉貞2011年台北印刻版《長鏡頭下的張愛 玲》)。隔了相當長一段時間,消息傳入大陸,桑弧的家人刻意在報上發一篇訪問否認此事,斷然說那絕對是桑弧的作品,完全與張愛玲無關;後來再安排一篇柯靈 先生訪問,強調他看過桑弧的稿本,力證跟張愛玲無關。但妙的是,1983年底柯靈先生應我們邀請訪港,倒私下確認張愛玲幫桑弧弄這個劇本,雖然主意來自桑 弧。而桑弧的反駁主要是針對我的發言,但並沒有針對張愛玲的文章。1949年前桑弧跟張愛玲的交往情況,今天很多論者都已經考據出來,指出《小團圓》裡其 中一個角色就是以桑弧為藍本。無論桑弧如何撇清,始終他跟張愛玲密切合作過,如果從《小團圓》來看,兩人的關係肯定不只是編劇與導演,而是更深一層。但張 愛玲離開大陸後寫了《秧歌》、《赤地之戀》,這兩部小說在大陸一直被視為犯禁的反共作品,更不要說一度是「漢奸太太」;桑弧儘管被很多左派中比較教條的電 影工作者視為所謂上海資產階級文藝路線的電影界代表,但他在中共建政之初得到夏衍先生肯定而頗受重用,拍攝中共建政後首部彩色片《梁山伯與祝英台》,又拍 攝夏衍改編、魯迅原著的首部彩色劇情片《祝福》。魯迅在神壇上何等位置,原來左派老導演無不以執導《祝福》為榮,最後這光榮任務落在桑弧身上,令桑弧在 1949年後的大陸電影界出現第二春,而不是進入肅殺期。綜合各方面來看,桑弧多次在報上以不同方式澄清,也是可以理解的。當日宋先生說他們雙方都不會承 認,結果真是雙方都要撇清,感情之外,政治也是原因。 (訪問整理/熊志琴)●


    張愛玲小團圓 今生今世對照記


    像七月鳴蟬,吱吱不停,也像拔掉的蛀牙,仍隱隱作疼。這真是張愛玲沒錯,她形容兩個心生嫌隙依然共枕的人,心中絕望危疑:「下大雨了,下得那麼持久,一片沙沙聲,簡直是從地面上往上長,黑暗中遍地叢生著琉璃樹,微白的蓬蒿,雨的森林。」去溫州探視逃亡中的胡蘭成,驚覺他除小周(小康)外,另有新歡秀美(巧玉),自己全無立足之地,一夜難眠:「那痛苦像火車一樣轟隆轟隆一天到晚開著,日夜之間沒有一點空隙。一醒過來它就在枕邊,是隻手錶,走了一夜。」2009年張愛玲《小團圓》出版,在胡蘭成寫成《今生今世》(1959)五十年後,這本「今生今世不團圓」狠狠將了他一軍。
    遲來的復仇,仍是復仇
    遲來的復仇,仍是復仇。果真是「full of shocks」,就在1996年朱天文五萬字《花憶前身》後,張愛玲《小團圓》也首度打破沉默,十八萬字來談胡蘭成。胡蘭成寫風流自賞的回憶散文,張愛玲 藉小說之筆怨毒著書,這桃花女與周公的比試,果然勢均力敵,同稱精采。《小團圓》寫於張愛玲七○年代中期(與〈色.戒〉同時),自傳已不足以形容它的真 實,筆觸之坦露,也完全超越以往。〈色.戒〉裡的王佳芝與老易是否為張胡翻版,此書一出,看來是不必爭議了,那就是聽來的間諜故事,加上張胡戀情的內裡。 而李黎《浮花飛絮張愛玲》裡吹皺一池春水的姪女青芸,看來角色並沒有那麼單純。第一次在邵之雍上海住宅見到秀男,「俏麗白淨的方圓臉,微鬈的長頭髮披在肩 上,」九莉心裡想:「她愛他叔叔。」
    張愛玲處處有這樣的靈通剔透,但她待人接物上驚人的愚笨,卻教胡蘭成很快察覺了。慣於風月的情場浪子,在童女面前,自始至終都是負她的,因之成就了這樣一 部銜怨負氣,「不團圓」的《小團圓》。《小團圓》中的胡蘭成形象,果然和帶著崇慕胡蘭成心態拍的電視劇《她從海上來──張愛玲傳奇》完全不同。這男人風月 慣經,善於撩撥,在眾女之間周旋,床笫之間的大膽,令人咋舌。「像千年狐狸化作白衣秀士,想的是用女子的鮮血供養自己的狐身」,王孝廉〈山河歲月——淺論 胡蘭成的《今生今世》〉說得雖然有些夭壽,可也真是入木三分。
    這部古物出土,震動華文世界,被張小虹稱為法律上「合法」,情感道義上「盜版」的張愛玲遺作,文字品質毫不遜於她其他作品,話題性更是十足(幾乎所有劇中 人都可與張愛玲真實人生對得嚴絲合縫)。前半看來的確人物眾多,情節紛亂,與全書主題有點脫鉤,尤其與後面的故事主線沒有明顯的承接。張愛玲修修改改多 年,也一直在是否出版間猶豫,看起來像是還沒改得滿意,倒不是放棄了。她對修改自己的作品,向來極有耐心,像1971年水晶訪問她時她自己說的:「我現在 寫東西,完全是還債──還我自己欠下的債,因為從前自己曾經許下心願。我這個人是非常stubborn(頑強)的。」
    才子佳人的變調版
    《小團圓》,這個反諷的故事,是才子佳人變調版,三妻四妾不但沒有貌美和順,且不心甘情願。對張愛玲而言,有不得不寫的內在理由,因為欠自己的債,這和她 其他作品寫作緣由事實上並無二致。醞釀很久,真正動筆是因為聽說朱西甯想寫她的傳記,張愛玲於是有了不如自己寫的念頭。所以基本上《小團圓》就是以小說形 式(人名虛構)寫的第一手傳記。張愛玲在1976年給宋淇的信上說:「這是一個熱情故事,我想表達出愛情的萬轉千迴,完全幻滅了之後也還有點什麼東西 在。」《小團圓》中亂世鴛鴦邵之雍和盛九莉,就像〈色.戒〉裡相濡以沫的老易和王佳芝,也像《半生緣》裡「再也回不去了」的世鈞與曼楨,人生是虛幻的,換 了角色名,內裡還是同樣的那個人。在當事人(張、胡,甚至保管遺物的宋淇)都仙逝了的今日,《小團圓》倒真的可以平心靜氣當作一個熱情故事,而不是隔海叫 陣,互相爆料的男女官司來看了。愛情與寫作,同樣基於一種內在放光的狂熱與激越,像張愛玲對水晶說的,她寫作的時候,簡直是「狂喜」。從萬轉千迴到完全幻 滅,其中曲折,正是萬千作家寫之不盡的。
    在目前已經開發殆盡的張學研究外,胡蘭成傳記、選集及周邊史料近年也逐漸被兩岸重視。他藝術上的才分無疑是可觀的,但為人與氣性則完全與張愛玲相背。兩人 的短暫情緣、未明身分(一紙無效的婚書),就像戰時的上海文壇,亂世中開出一朵虛妄之花,雖則燦爛,卻極短暫,正如柯靈所說:「過了這村,沒了那店」,注 定沒有結局。
    張愛玲示弱,沉默,低調不見人,晚年甚至算得上是人群恐慌症。劉大任形容她是「沿牆疾走的蒼白女子」,郭松棻形容她過馬路像一片葉子被吹過對街,在戴文采 眼中,她大約只有八十磅,倒垃圾時「彎腰的姿勢很像兩片薄葉子貼在一起」,陳少聰擔任她的助理,兩人演了一年只寫紙條避不見面的默劇。然而張愛玲內裡的頑 強,對人事感知的敏銳與痛苦,完全是一個天才者。這一點,胡蘭成在二人初識時寫〈論張愛玲〉(1944)就已經充分知覺了。張胡二人的相遇,情感姑且不 論,對胡蘭成的人生態度與文學表現,是一極大的轉折。除了思想理論體系的解散之外,張愛玲以一個天才者接近直觀感悟的看世界方式,大大啟發了胡蘭成在政論 之外抒情文字的可能。這從胡後來寫成《今生今世》,並稱「一炷香想念愛玲,是她開了我的聰明」,略可得知。
    情感的純粹與喜悅,對張愛玲而言具有絕對向內性,但胡蘭成不是,他對人情、學問、前程、政治都有野心。1944年胡蘭成與張愛玲簽訂婚書後去武漢,名為辦 《大楚報》,事實上是應日本宇垣一成大將之請,前往籌辦一軍事政治學校,計畫成立軍政府。1945年初,汪精衛病逝日本,八月日本投降,據完整版《今生今 世》(三三,1990版)〈漢皋解珮〉所記:「我遂與二十九軍軍長鄒平凡宣布武漢獨立……擁兵數萬,拒絕(按:重慶政府)接收」。胡蘭成的壯志毀於一場突 來的急病與鄒平凡的轉向,武漢只獨立了十三日,在全國緝捕漢奸之下,胡蘭成亡命出逃。這就是《小團圓》裡寫的,「楚娣(按:與張同住的姑姑張茂淵)悄悄的 笑道:『邵之雍像要作皇帝的樣子』」的因由。九莉(張愛玲)不至於認為這事可能成真,她只期望這仗能永遠打下去,逃避那終究要來的變局。
    當年可能與《今生今世》打對台
    《小團圓》作為《今生今世》的對照記,事隔三十年心情沉澱後才寫,當時張愛玲一人獨居洛杉磯(第二任丈夫賴雅已去世),文字中明顯少了愛悅,多了悲涼。將 兩本書比並來看,可知其中細節真實性相當高,所不同者只是兩造的心情差異。胡蘭成在情感上的浮濫,以及他帶給張愛玲的極大傷害,被張愛玲《小團圓》中九莉 一句話說盡了:「我不能和半個人類為敵。」另一個被害的護士小康(小周)的版本,則是淚眼哭倒(胡逃亡前硬要了她的身子):「我可怎麼辦,他是有太太 的。」只是這「太太」,也不是九莉(張愛玲)。
    從政治立場到情感態度,胡蘭成都有著一貫的超驗性。他自比為劉邦或國父,自稱為「浪子」,能「無端歡喜,驚險亦如驚豔,無因無由忽又有了辦法,故不墮劫 數」。1964年寫於日本的〈反省篇〉中,可看出胡蘭成始終以「亡命」自居(不承認現在的權力,不服罪),他是要創建新秩序,因此理直氣壯,毫無愧疚之 感。早在溫州避難時期,背負著各方漢奸指責,他就有這樣的文學與人生觀。在《苦竹》上,他說:「我寫,只是因為我自己喜歡,並不為了什麼。我想革命也一 樣,有人可以作了錯事,仍然不是罪惡的,也有人作了好事,而仍然不偉大。」他又極端愛悅青春鮮潔,別有一種性別反串和喬裝作致的意態,一種宛若天山童姥般 的童顏稚語。美若天仙,卻像罌粟花般,暗藏殺機。
    《小團圓》寫盡全天下癡情女的天真(無論在什麼時候他都是有老婆的),也把一個最理直氣壯的負心漢寫活了(妳這樣痛苦也是好的)。《今生今世》文字跌宕生 姿,婉媚至極,其實是胡蘭成歷數一生情人的群芳譜,聚碑成塔,「採四海花,釀天下酒」,張愛玲只落得一個過場,成了「民國女子」這一章的材料。
    胡蘭成《今生今世》成書於1959年日本,當時生活初定,已與佘愛珍結婚,這本半自傳散文充滿風流自喜,顧盼自得,沒有半點懺悔或救贖的意味,胡甚且寄了 此書給在美國的張愛玲,順便撩撥她。張愛玲看完的感受無人知道,現在《小團圓》出版,終於揭開了這「憎笑的要叫起來」的謎底。

    「九莉想道:『他完全不管我的死活,就知道保存他所有的』。」 她沒往下說,之雍便道:「妳能這樣痛苦也是好的。」 是說她能有這樣強烈的感情是好的。又是他那一套,「好的」與「不好的」。使她憎笑的要叫起來。

    張愛玲之於人生,採冷眼靜觀的姿態,總在那陰暗處窺視著,而胡蘭成則永遠意識著自我的存在,興高采烈的活著。我們從二人慣用的意象,亦可看出其間本質上的 差別。張愛玲尚「月亮」的陰暗,她那「藍陰陰的月光」,「有著靜靜的殺機」,或「使人汗毛凜凜的反常明月」,「像個戲劇化的猙獰臉譜」。而胡蘭成《今生今 世》的陽光處處,適與之形成對比。例如:「好男如陽光,好女如顏色」,「十里桑地秧田,日影沙堤,就像腳下的地都是黃金鋪的」,「桃花極豔,但那顏色即是 陽光」,「是一種可與陽光遊戲的顏色」,「記得是下午,屋瓦上都是陽光」。只是這陽光男風流自賞的背後,胡蘭成可不知道在逃亡前夕兩人燕好時,他還對武漢 小周戀戀難捨,張愛玲《小團圓》裡是這樣寫她的決絕的:
    「廚房裡有一把斬肉的板刀,太沉重了。還有把切西瓜的長刀,比較伏手。對準了那狹窄的金色背脊一刀。他現在是法外之人了,拖下樓梯往街上一丟。看秀男(按:姪女青芸)有什麼辦法。」
    在給宋淇的信中,張愛玲甚且認為,還好當年寫給胡蘭成的信全要回來了,「不然早出土了」。如今想來,宋淇是個實心眼的益友,當年的決斷可能是對的,七○年 代中期《小團圓》若在台灣出版,剛好與胡蘭成重版的《今生今世》打對台,當時張愛玲聲譽鵲起,並不如現在這麼地位崇隆,不可移易。且不說胡蘭成可能有的私 心,世人當如何看待這各說各話的男女官司?
    「時間是不可逆的,生命是不可逆的,然則書寫的時候,一切不可逆者皆可逆。」六十年前的情書與六十年後的復仇都不嫌晚,《小團圓》證明了張愛玲的耐心,這個人是非常stubborn的。
    ******
    華 文文壇影響力歷久不衰的「祖師奶奶」張愛玲1995年謝世後,遺著舊作陸續出書。原本張遺囑中交代「要銷毀」的長篇小說《小團圓》,日前終於問世。「回到 小說本身」,這部充滿自傳色彩、張愛玲「最後、也最神祕的小說遺作」,放在當代文壇,究竟該得到什麼樣的評價?《讀書人》邀請袁瓊瓊、黃錦樹、駱以軍三位 熟悉「張派」脈絡的作家、學者,自不同觀點解讀《小團圓》。(編者)
    張愛玲。
    (皇冠/提供)

    《小團圓》
    張愛玲著 皇冠文化出版公司

    多少恨:張愛玲未完
    1992年三月,張愛玲寫信給好友宋淇,附上遺囑正本,寫明: 「《小團圓》小說要銷毀。」但1993年十月給《皇冠》編輯信中,卻又說:「《小團圓》一定要儘早寫完,不會再對讀者食言。」
    (張愛玲手跡,皇冠/提供)
    對於《小團圓》,可以做兩個評論,一是寫得極糟,另一是好看得驚人。
    兩種看法源於兩種角度。若是放在張愛玲的文學地位來看,這本書實在不能替她加分。但是還原成她的「自傳」,則這本書坦率得嚇人。書裡呈現的張愛玲是所有文學史料或她自己的文本裡完全不曾披露過呈現過的。
    《小團圓》曾經一改再改。目前面世這本,與張愛玲1975年寄宋淇的原稿,肯定有所不同。與宋淇通信裡所謂的「對胡蘭成的憎笑」,已經清淡許多,更多的是 惘然和委屈。這可能與胡1981年去世有關。胡死之後,她必然做過增刪,目前文本,尤其是書末夢境,不能說張已經原諒了胡,但充滿了煙塵之情,其實便是惘 然。
    〈色,戒〉是曲筆寫胡蘭成。對胡倒真是憎笑和慘然。而《小團圓》一半在講胡蘭成,她修改了一輩子。張愛玲自言不願意讓胡「得意」,這「得意」二字宋淇誤 解,不是指讓胡蘭成更出風頭,而只是不願讓胡知道他在自己心中的印記多深。相對《今生今世》裡胡的普世留情,張的深情成為對她自己的污辱。〈色,戒〉 1978年發表,可以說是張對於兩人感情的一個定位。至少是一個希望胡蘭成明瞭的定位。而其實與張愛玲真正的內在情愫還是有多少距離的。
    張愛玲,一般看法是,她的小說是從她自身環境背景所生長出的「虛構」。看了《小團圓》才知道,她寫的,絕大部分是事實。並且幾乎是未經編造的事實。這使得親戚們對她不滿。而二十出頭的張愛玲並不在乎,借用她自己的句子,她只是「夷然活下去」。
    她在書寫時的殘酷,在《小團圓》裡,針對了她自己。
    《小團圓》裡的張愛玲(九莉),非常多心多疑,任何事到她面前,她都像多稜鏡一般,有無數折射。在《小團圓》裡,姑姑與母親,甚至炎櫻(比比),都另有面 貌,與她前期書寫裡的討喜迥然不同。晚年張愛玲,在時間與空間的距離外回望她的親朋好友,竟是這樣無情的解讀。她幻想一堆。我其實頗懷疑她書裡對於胡蘭成 與蘇青(文姬)的「苟且」,甚至姑姑(楚娣)和母親(蕊秋)的多段情史,猜想的成分居多,未必事實。
    張說過這書「是個愛情故事」。然而書裡的愛很少,哪一種愛都很少,男女之愛、親情、友情,都不多。不過是充斥著厭煩、計較與漠然。全書看來,張的確是如李安所說「沒有愛的女人」。看完《小團圓》之後,感覺李安的《色,戒》驚人的準確。他竟把張的內在性意識也呈現了。
    張愛玲喜好奇裝異服,有名言說:「時間即是金錢,所以女人多花時間在鏡子前面,就得多花錢在時裝店裡。」下照為張的遺物,張愛玲晚年選衣裝,仍是她一慣偏愛的「蔥綠配桃紅」,「一種參差的對照」。
    (皇冠/提供)
    張 對性是壓抑和明顯的無知。所謂的「大膽性描寫」,看上去純是「誌異」,有種自外於己身的天真。我不以為她是性潔癖,只是經歷太少,無知而已。書裡的母親 「閱人多矣」,對於愛情的無情和多情,幾乎和胡蘭成如出一轍。她其實是在拿胡與母親對照。張或許明白,最適合胡的,大約就是她母親「這種」女人。然而張從 小學到的是「走到母親的反面去」。母親正是張愛玲永遠不會成為的女人。
    張愛玲最讓人痛惜的是她後半生沒有任何與現實相關的創作。其實她的後半生比前半生豐富;對於異文化,對於在美生活、婚姻,與及年歲漸長之後人生人性的領悟,如果她寫過什麼,真不知會是如何精彩。
    胡蘭成辭世時,《小團圓》已擱置六年。這六年間,除了〈色,戒〉,張愛玲只寫了《紅樓夢魘》、〈談看書〉等讀書隨筆,幾乎沒有真正意義上的創作。而〈色, 戒〉寫的依舊是胡蘭成。就像是《小團圓》這本書「卡」住了她。提到了胡蘭成,她便停下來思索。她的人生停留在三十歲。那一年她自認「終於」擺脫了胡蘭成。 而事實上,餘生裡,她一直在整理修改和解釋與胡的這一段。似乎不搞清楚她無法走下去。而這個無解的心緒便成為張愛玲人生的一個逗點,未完,思索到死,並且 讓她永遠停頓了。

    《吸煙賽神仙》《胖之歌》 Richard Klein

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    讀到妙引言Quote
    "Cigarette sales would drop to zero overnight if the warning said 'CIGARETTES CONTAIN FAT.'"Dave Barry

    想起一句
    Literary Theory: A Very Short Introduction by Jonathan Culler, OxfordUniversity Press, 1997,
    3章開頭問道 怎麼回事呢
    Professor of French writing books about cigarettes or Americans’ obsession with fat... What is going on?


    我可以注解
    他的這兩本書,都有翻譯呢!

    幾年前,美國學者理查·克萊恩(Richard Klein)推出《吸煙賽神仙》(Cigarette is Sublime),内容對於抽煙一事有所探討。幾年後,他的新作《胖之歌》 (中國譯名),在臺灣上市則改名為《後現代痩身主義》,這2 本都是由時報出版公司印行。他指出,肥胖的身體是值得歌頌的,而且人一胖還可以展現另一種性感。不過,大概很多人不相信這種論調,因爲我們又不是生在唐朝!

    Richard Klein, Professor of French Literature, is the author of Cigarettes are Sublime (Duke), a cultural history of cigarettes, which has been translated into 14 languages. This book, like his more recent Eat Fat (Pantheon), is designed to bring the insights of critical theory to bear on contemporary social issues.

    He has recently published Jewelry Talks: a novel thesis (Pantheon), a fictional memoir and a theory of personal ornamentation, which takes many of its categories from the use of jewelry as a figure in nineteenth and early twentieth century French poetry.

    Professor Klein teaches poetry, modernism, and contemporary French thought. For many years he has been an Editor of Diacritics, a journa! l of literary theory produced by the Department of Romance Studies. His most recent graduate seminar was devoted to Oulipo, the post-War group of authors in Paris whose formalist experiments in literary expression have grown increasingly influential.

    Professor Klein has an ongoing interest in the work of Jacques Derrida. Klein has recently focused his attention on troubadour poetry, written in Old Occitan, with its legacy of courtly love. His interests extend to the social and ideological conflicts out of which that poetry arose and declined in the Twelfth and Thirteenth centuries.

    許多年前我讀到關於香煙一書,  除了佩服他的文筆之外,不喜歡他的大學, 因為此名學府的創始和運作,與煙商大有關係。補:Duke大學是好大學。

    作者已轉到康乃爾大學....

    Richard Klein

    PROFESSOR EMERITUS OF FRENCH LITERATURE; GRADUATE SCHOOL PROFESSOR

    rjk11@cornell.edu
    Richard Klein, Professor Emeritus of French Literature, is the author of Cigarettes are Sublime (Duke), a cultural history of cigarettes, which has been translated into 14 languages. This book, like his more recent Eat Fat(Pantheon), is designed to bring the insights of critical theory to bear on contemporary social issues. More recently, he has published Jewelry Talks: A Novel Thesis (Pantheon), a fictional memoir and a theory of personal ornamentation, which takes many of its categories from the use of jewelry as a figure in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century French poetry. Professor Klein teaches poetry, modernism, and contemporary French thought. For many years he has been an Editor of diacritics, a journal of critical theory produced by the Department of Romance Studies. His most recent graduate seminar was devoted to Oulipo, the post-War group of authors in Paris whose formalist experiments in literary expression have grown increasingly influential. Professor Klein has an ongoing interest in the work of Jacques Derrida. Klein has recently focused his attention on troubadour poetry, written in Old Occitan, with its legacy of courtly love. His interests extend to the social and ideological conflicts out of which that poetry arose and declined in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

    【金瓶梅詞話】,“The Plum in the Golden Vase,” Translated by David Tod Roy .

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    足本《金瓶梅》英譯問世,詳盡呈現明代世情

    閱讀2013年11月21日
    1950年,16歲的美國傳教士之子芮效衛(David Tod Roy)踏進了中國南京的一個舊書店,找一本色情書。
    他要找的是未刪減版的《金瓶梅》。16世紀晚期,一個不知名的作者寫了這本傷風敗俗的色情小說,講的是一個腐敗商人發跡和衰敗的故事。
    芮效衛之前只見過一個不完整的英文譯本,書中出現過於淫穢的描寫時,該版本便適時地轉用拉丁語。但在毛澤東於此前一年掌控中國後,緊張的老闆們丟棄了道德上及政治上可疑的物品,該書——一本古代的中文完整版——就是其中之一。
    「作為一個十幾歲的少年,有機會讀一些色情的東西讓我感到非常激動,」日前,芮效衛在電話中回憶說,「但我發現,這本書的其他一些方面也很有趣。」現年80歲的芮效衛是芝加哥大學(University of Chicago)中國文學榮休教授。
    追隨芮效衛的讀者們也有同樣感受。芮效衛花費了將近40年的時間將 完這部足本《金瓶梅》翻成了英文,這項工作最近剛剛完結,普林斯頓大學出版社(Princeton University Press)出版了第五冊,也就是最後一冊——《死亡》(The Dissolution)。


    明代小時《金瓶梅》的插畫。芮效衛剛剛翻譯了此書,譯本共有五冊,尾注達4400餘條。
    明代小時《金瓶梅》的插畫。芮效衛剛剛翻譯了此書,譯本共有五冊,尾注達4400餘條。
    Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City, Mo. Photograph by John Lamberton
    小說家斯蒂芬·馬爾什(Stephen Marche)上個月在《洛杉磯書評》(The Los Angeles Review of Books)發表文章,稱讚芮效衛巧妙地呈現了一部內容豐富的明代風俗百科全書式小說,他總結道,譯本具有好萊塢式的風格,就像「簡·奧斯汀(Jane Austen)與赤裸裸色情描寫的結合」。芮效衛的博學多識也讓做學術的同事們肅然起敬,他似乎對所有文學典故和文化細節都作了注釋。
    「他是這樣一個人,覺得自己有責任知道一切與這本書有關的事情,甚至包括那些順便提到的事情,」哥倫比亞大學(Columbia University)中國文學教授商偉說,「完成這樣的工程需要一定的執着精神。」
    同樣,普通讀者也需要一定的執着才能讀完五冊圖書,因為該書的篇幅 (將近3000頁)堪比普魯斯特(Proustian)的作品,人物陣容(有800多個人物)堪比德米爾(DeMille)的電影,還有類似《尤利西斯》 (Ulysses)的平凡細節描寫,更別說芮效衛添加的4400個尾注,這些尾注的範圍與準確度可與納博科夫(Nabokov)筆下那些痴迷考據的學者一 比高下。
    尾注的內容包含小說中一些往往晦澀難懂的文學典故,並有關於「使用鳳仙花及蒜汁染指甲的方法」的深入閱讀建議,以及一些鮮為人知的明代俚語,芮效衛驕傲地指出,連母語是中文的學者都不知道這些俚語的意思。
    芮效衛
    芮效衛
    Nathan Weber for The New York Times
    「這不僅僅是一個譯本,還是一本參考書,」匹茲堡大學(University of Pittsburgh)的訪問學者張義宏說。「這為中國文學及文化打開了一扇窗。」張義宏正在將芮效衛的一些注釋翻成中文,以此作為博士論文的一部分,他在北京外國語大學攻讀博士。
    然後就是讓該書充滿魅力的性描寫,雖然很少有人真的讀過這本書。在毛澤東統治時期,只有政府高官(他們奉命研究有關王朝時代腐敗的描述)和經過挑選的學者才能看到未刪節的版本。如今,儘管很容易在中國網站上下載這本書,但仍然很難找到完整版。
    這本書的直露程度甚至讓一些西方文學學者感到吃驚——特別是臭名昭著的第27章。在這一章中,名叫西門慶的商人對他最卑劣的情婦進行了匪夷所思的長時間性虐。
    「教到這裡的時候,我的學生都目瞪口呆,雖然他們早就知道這部小說 內容不雅,」俄亥俄州立大學(Ohio State University)的中國文學教授夏頌(Patricia Sieber)說。「性虐待、把各種不同尋常的東西當做性玩具、濫用春藥、各種令人髮指的性交,這本書里應有盡有。」
    小說中的性描寫也對一些現代作品產生了啟發作用。譚恩美(Amy Tan)的新小說《驚奇谷》(The Valley of Amazement)描述了這樣一個場景:在20世紀初的上海,一名上了年紀的高級妓女被人要求再現《金瓶梅》當中一個格外下流的性愛場面。
    「要我說,這裡面沒有哪個角色是可愛的,」譚恩美在提到《金瓶梅》時說,「但它的確是一部文學巨著。」
    不過,學者們急切地補充道,《金瓶梅》的內容遠不止是性愛。這是中國第一部與神話或武裝起義無關的長篇小說,它關注普通人和日常生活,記錄了衣食、家庭風俗、醫藥、遊戲和葬禮的微小細節,還提供了幾乎所有東西的精確價格,包括各級官員行賄受賄的數額。
    芮效衛說,「這本書對一個道德敗壞的社會進行了異常詳細的描述。」
    芮效衛表示,他的翻譯工作始於20世紀70年代。當時,克萊門特· 埃傑頓(Clement Egerton)1939年的英文譯本出了一個修訂本,把譯成拉丁語的淫穢內容轉譯成了英語。但是,芮效衛說,這個版本仍然省略了許多出自中國古詩和散文 的引文,比原文少了很多韻味。
    所以,他開始把每一個引自較早中國文學作品的句子都抄在卡片上,最終累積了幾千句;為了找到引語的出處,他還閱讀了已知的曾在16世紀末流通的所有文學作品。
    譯本第一冊於1993年出版,受到了廣泛好評;第二冊在漫長的八年之後才出版。一些同事敦促他加快進度,減少注釋的量。有一次,一個中國網站甚至報道稱,他已在工作時死亡。
    即將完成最後一冊的時候,芮效衛被確診患了盧·格里克病(Lou Gehrig\'s disease),所以也排除了任何出精簡版的可能性。他的芝加哥同事余國藩(Anthony Yu)在翻譯另一部明代長篇經典小說《西遊記》時曾採用這種做法。余國藩的譯本備受讚揚。
    「我想念專註於某件事情的感覺,」芮效衛說,「不幸的是,我經常會覺得疲勞。」
    學者們認為,芮效衛(他的弟弟芮效儉[J. Stapleton Roy]是美國1991年至1995年的駐華大使)拯救了《金瓶梅》在西方的名譽。西方原來認為這本書不過是一本富於異國情調的色情小說,有了他的譯本,人們可以更多地從政治角度來閱讀這部作品了。
    對於中國的評論者而言,這部作品不難獲得。中國人認為,這部小說也是當今充斥報端的各種政治和社會醜陋現象的寫照。
    「你現在很容易就能找到西門慶這樣的人,」匹茲堡大學的張義宏說。「不僅是在中國,世界各地都有。」
    翻譯:許欣、陳柳



    *****
    【金瓶梅】(淨本) 台灣市面頗多版本
    【金瓶梅詞話】北京: 人民文學出版社  2000  上下 (有注解)  約同時---美國某大學出版社有詳細的英譯本


    十幾年前,陳巨擘先生主持巨流出版公司,曾引進許多原版書,當然包括普林斯頓大學出版社的這本“The Plum in the Golden Vase,” Translated by David Tod Roy 當時可能只出版前2本. 我是代理商,當時也忙著出版自己的書,所以沒好好讀它. 幾年之後我知道臺灣大學圖書館有此書.....

    An Old Chinese Novel Is Racy Reading Still

    November 21, 2013
    When David Tod Roy entered a used-book shop in the Chinese city of Nanjing in 1950, he was a 16-year-old American missionary kid looking for a dirty book.
    His quarry was an unexpurgated copy of “The Plum in the Golden Vase,” an infamously pornographic tale of the rise and fall of a corrupt merchant, written by an anonymous author in the late 16th century.
    Mr. Roy had previously encountered only an incomplete English translation, which switched decorously into Latin when things got too raunchy. But there it was — an old Chinese edition of the whole thing — amid other morally and politically suspect items discarded by nervous owners after Mao Zedong’s takeover the previous year.

    “As a teenage boy, I was excited by the prospect of reading something pornographic,” Mr. Roy, now 80 and an emeritus professor of Chinese literature at the University of Chicago, recalled recently by telephone. “But I found it fascinating in other ways as well.”

    So have readers who have followed Mr. Roy’s nearly 40-year effort to bring the complete text into English, which has just reached its conclusion with the publication by Princeton University Press of the fifth and final volume, “The Dissolution.”

    A 17th-century illustration for the Ming dynasty novel “The Plum in the Golden Vase,” newly translated, in five volumes with more than 4,400 endnotes, by David Tod Roy.

    Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City, Mo. Photograph by John Lamberton
    The novelist Stephen Marche, writing last month in The Los Angeles Review of Books, praised Mr. Roy’s masterly rendering of a richly encyclopedic novel of Ming dynasty manners, which Mr. Marche summed up, Hollywood-pitch style, as “Jane Austen meets hard-core pornography.” And Mr. Roy’s scholarly colleagues are no less awe-struck at his erudition, which seemingly leaves no literary allusion or cultural detail unannotated.

    “He is someone who believes it’s his obligation to know absolutely everything about this book, even things that are only mentioned passingly,” said Wei Shang, a professor of Chinese literature at Columbia University. “It takes a certain kind of stubbornness to complete this kind of project.”

    It also may take a certain stubbornness on the part of ordinary readers to make it all the way through this five-volume work, given its Proustian length (nearly 3,000 pages), DeMille-worthy cast (more than 800 named characters) and “Ulysses”-like level of quotidian detail — to say nothing of Mr. Roy’s 4,400-plus endnotes, whose range and precision would give one of Nabokov’s obsessive fictional scholars a run for his money.
    They touch on subjects ranging from the novel’s often obscure literary references and suggested further reading on “the use of impatiens blossoms and garlic juice to dye women’s fingernails” to obscure Ming-era slang whose meaning, Mr. Roy notes with pride, had long eluded even native Chinese-speaking scholars.
    “It’s not just a translation, it’s also a reference book,” said Yihong Zhang, a visiting scholar at the University of Pittsburgh who is translating some of Mr. Roy’s notes into Chinese as part of his doctoral dissertation at Beijing Foreign Studies University. “It opens a window onto Chinese literature and culture.”
    And then there is the sex, which has fed fascination with the book, even though few people could actually read it. In Mao’s China, access to the unexpurgated edition was restricted to government high officials (who were urged to study its depiction of imperial corruption) and select academics. Today, complete versions remain hard to find in China, though it is easily downloadable on Chinese Internet sites.
    The level of raunch remains startling even to some Western literary scholars — particularly the infamous Chapter 27, in which the merchant, named Ximen Qing, puts his most depraved concubine to particularly prolonged and imaginative use.
    “When I taught it, my students were flabbergasted, even though they knew about the novel’s reputation,” said Patricia Sieber, a professor of Chinese literature at Ohio State University. “S-and-M, the use of unusual objects as sex toys, excessive use of aphrodisiacs, sex under all kinds of nefarious circumstances — you name it, it’s all there.”
    The novel’s sex has also inspired some modern reconsiderations. Amy Tan’s new novel, “The Valley of Amazement,” features a scene in which an aging courtesan in early-20th-century Shanghai is asked to re-enact a particularly degrading sex scene from this classic.
    “I can’t say any of the characters are likable,” Ms. Tan said of the older novel. “But it’s a literary masterpiece.”
    But the “Chin P’ing Mei,” as the novel is known in Chinese, is about far more than just sex, scholars hasten to add. It was the first long Chinese narrative to focus not on mythical heroes or military adventures, but on ordinary people and everyday life, chronicled down to the minutest details of food, clothing, household customs, medicine, games and funeral rites, with exact prices given for just about everything, including the favor of bribe-hungry officials up and down the hierarchy.
    “It’s an extraordinarily detailed description of a morally derelict and corrupt society,” Mr. Roy said.
    Mr. Roy dates the beginning of his work on the translation to the 1970s. By then, a revision of Clement Egerton’s 1939 English translation had put the Latinized dirty bits into English. But that edition still omitted the many quotations from earlier Chinese poetry and prose, along with, Mr. Roy said, much of the authentic flavor.
    So he began copying every line borrowed from earlier Chinese literature onto notecards, which eventually numbered in the thousands, and reading every literary work known to have circulated in the late 16th century, to identify the allusions.
    The first volume appeared in 1993 to rave reviews; the next came a long eight years later. Some colleagues urged him to go faster and scale back the notes. At one point, a Chinese website even reported that he had died amid his labors.
    Just as Mr. Roy was completing the final volume, he received a diagnosis of Lou Gehrig’s disease, which ruled out any prospect of preparing a condensed edition, as his Chicago colleague Anthony Yu did with his acclaimed translation of “Journey to the West,” another marathon-length Ming classic.
    “I miss having something to concentrate on,” Mr. Roy said. “But unfortunately, I’m suffering from virtually constant fatigue.”
    Scholars credit Mr. Roy (whose brother, J. Stapleton Roy, was United States ambassador to China from 1991 to 1995) with rescuing “The Plum in the Golden Vase” from its reputation in the West as merely exotic pornography and opening the door to a more political reading of the book.
    It’s one that already comes easily to commentators in China, where the novel is seen as holding up a mirror to the tales of political and social corruption that fill newspapers now.
    “You can find people like Ximen Qing easily today,” said Mr. Zhang in Pittsburgh. “Not just in China, but everywhere.”

    林漢章說〈續1〉

    http://www.wretch.cc/blog/fryuan1954/12374294
    其十
    【金瓶梅詞話】一書,明代萬曆年間蘭陵笑笑生所著,另有一說是王世貞所著,迄無明確定論。這是一本描述明末社會人情世態的小說,對於人物生活、對話及家庭 瑣事的描述可謂淋漓盡致,在文學及社會學的研究上有其可觀的價值,李漁將其與三國演義、西遊記、水滸傳合稱「四大奇書」。書中也有許多對於性的描寫,因此 屢遭禁燬,後世許多印本都將其中與性有關的內容予以刪除,俗稱「潔本」。台灣也一度禁止金瓶梅的出版,在開放書禁後,才允許出版金瓶梅的原本。


    民國六十七年四月,聯經出版事業公司景印萬曆丁巳年版【金瓶梅詞話】。萬曆丁巳年刊印的【金瓶梅詞話】,是現存最早的版本,共十卷,每卷十回,原書目前收 藏在台北故宮博物院。這部書是民國二十一年在山西省發現,為北平圖書館購藏。民國二十二年,北平古佚小說刊行會據以縮印一百部行世,這部縮印本還納入另一 部崇禎版的木刻插圖二百幅,彙裝成一冊,不過這部縮印本流傳並不廣,傅斯年先生珍藏其中一部。

    聯經公司景印的版本,就是借自傅斯年先生家裡收藏的縮印本,並持與故宮收藏的原版本比對整理,將版式放大與萬曆原版一致,該套色印製的部份予以確定,並將 插圖分裝至每一回之前,予以影印行世,限定三百部,剛出版時定價新台幣三千八百元,六十八年十二月時調整為新台幣五千元。

    林漢章說,聯經公司是向傅斯年的遺孀俞大綵夫人借得這部縮印本加以整理影印,這限定三百部,不是人人都可以買,當時限制必須是從事相關研究教學的教授及機構才可以訂購,他當時就買不到。

    大概就是這個原因,所以後來在市面上又出現另外一種版本,沒有出版社的名稱,其版式與聯經景印版幾乎一樣,在「出版說明」中也說是依據傅斯年先生藏本並比 對故宮珍藏萬曆本整理後景印。二者差別在於聯經版線裝二十冊,每一冊都有包角,在每一頁右下角處印有「聯經出版事業公司景印版」字樣,第一冊首頁右下方有 傅斯年先生「孟真」朱印一方;而後來出現的版本,雖然一樣是線裝,只裝訂成十冊,而且沒有包角,每一頁右下角處僅有「景印版」三個字,而且「孟真」朱印變 墨印,因為沒有出現出版社的名字,一般人不知道是哪個出版社所印製。

    林漢章說,這個後來出現的版本是當時一家名叫「康橋」的出版社所印的,這家出版社後來也不知如何了。

    這個訊息讓一件矇矓不清的事情有了答案,我想,如果沒有當年康橋出版社的印製,現在要看到萬曆版【金瓶梅詞話】,恐怕也不是容易的事情。



    The Wonderfully Elusive Chinese Novel

    link_1-042315.jpg
    Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City, Missouri/John Lamberton
    ‘Pan Jinlian (Golden Lotus) Humiliated for Being Intimate with a Servant’; fromIllustrations for the Novel Jin Ping Mei, or The Plum in the Golden Vase, seventeenth century
    In teaching Chinese-language courses to American students, which I have done about thirty times, perhaps the most anguishing question I get is “Professor Link, what is the Chinese word for ______?” I am always tempted to say the question makes no sense. Anyone who knows two languages moderately well knows that it is rare for words to match up perfectly, and for languages as far apart as Chinese and English, in which even grammatical categories are conceived differently, strict equivalence is not possible. Book is not shu, because shu, like all Chinese nouns, is conceived as an abstraction, more like “bookness,” and to say “a book” you have to say, “one volume of bookness.” Moreover shu, but not book, can mean “writing,” “letter,” or “calligraphy.” On the other hand you can “book a room” in English; you can’t shu one in Chinese.
    I tell my students that there are only two kinds of words they can safely regard as equivalents: words for numbers (excepting integers under five, the words for which have too many other uses) and words that are invented expressly for the purpose of serving as equivalents, like xindiantu (heart-electric-chart) for “electrocardiogram.” I tell them their goal in Chinese class should be to set aside English and get started with thinking in Chinese.
    This raises the question of what translation is. I’m afraid it is something quite different from what the person on the street takes it to be. It is not code-switching. Let’s take a tiny example, chosen at random, from David Roy’s translation of the immense sixteenth-century Chinese novel Chin P’ing Mei, or The Plum in the Golden Vase, written during the Ming dynasty, the final volume of which has recently appeared. Here the doughty female protagonist, Golden Lotus, is waiting in a garden for her latest lover, who is also her son-in-law. To tease her, the son-in-law hides under a raspberry trellis, then jumps out as she passes by and throws his arms around her:
    “Phooey!” the woman exclaimed. “You little short-life! You gave me quite a start by jumping out that way.”
    Two other English translations of Chin P’ing Mei, both published in London in 1939, put this line differently. Clement Egerton (assisted by the distinguished modern Chinese novelist Lao She) writes:
    “Oh,” she cried, “you young villain, what do you mean by rushing out and frightening me like that?”1
    Bernard Miall, retranslating an earlier abridged German rendition by Franz Kuhn, has this:
    “You rascal, to startle me so!” she cried, scolding him and laughingly releasing herself.2
    A translation into French in 1985 by André Lévy reads:
     Lotus-d’Or s’exclama: “Oh, le mauvais garnement! Qu’est-ce que c’est que ces façons de jaillir et vous causer pareille frayeur!”3
    None of these translations can be called wrong, or even “more right” than any other. In each case the translator has grasped the original well, but then, in turning to the needs of second-language readers, handles dilemmas differently.
    Is the mischievous lover a short-life, villain, rascal, or garnement? “Short-life” is a literal reflection of the Chinese duanming; “rascal” and “garnement” are attempts to find less literal cultural equivalents. How literal should one be? Egerton’s “villain” trusts the reader to supply irony—fair enough, in this case, but how far should such trusting go? Miall’s “laughingly releasing herself” is not stated in the original, but is certainly implied. Should the translator help out like this, if there is a danger that a reader from another culture might miss something? Lévy’s “Qu’est-ce que c’est que…” captures the lady’s surprise with precision, but it contributes to a sentence that is twice as long as the corresponding Chinese sentence and lacks its balanced rhythm of five-plus-five syllables. Where should the balance lie between matching form and matching sense?
    In the end, none of the renditions feels exactly like the original. In that sense they all fail. But failure by that standard is inevitable, because my language students are incorrect to think that exact equivalence is possible. A translator chooses what to sacrifice in favor of what, and the choices are not “correct” or “incorrect,” but value judgments.
    The most fundamental dilemma is between how much to pull the reader into the original language, preserving its literal meanings and supplying footnotes to spell out complicated things, and how much to step back, be more “free,” and try, as Kuhn and Miall are most successful at doing, to offer the reader what might be called “comparable experience.” Puns are an extreme and therefore clear example of the problem. Translators from Chinese usually ignore puns. Sometimes they dissect them in footnotes, and scholars appreciate the dissection because scholars are interested in innards. But a scalpel kills a pun, of course; a dead pun is no longer funny, and right there one aspect of “comparable experience” is lost. What is the alternative, though? To try to invent a parallel pun in the second language? Such efforts demand great ingenuity as well as a willingness to take considerable liberty with denotative meaning.
    David Roy is aware of these dilemmas. He sometimes tries to give the modern American reader comparable experience—for example, in the above, “phooey!” for the Chinese pei!, which has a derisive flavor and might even have been “jerk!” or “get lost!”—in any case something a bit more colorful than the “oh” that Egerton and Lévy settle for. But on balance Roy comes down much more on the side of reflecting and explaining the word level in the original. He is the scholars’ scholar. He writes more than 4,400 endnotes and advises in his introduction that they are necessary if the novel is to be “properly understood.” Jonathan Spence, in a review in these pages of volume one of Roy’s translation, wrote that the meticulous notes make “even a veteran reader of monographs smile with a kind of quiet disbelief.”4
    Spence’s fine essay, which I recommend be read together with this one, appeared two decades ago, at a time when Roy reported that he had already been working on his project for a quarter-century. Today the eighty-year-old Roy can point to a life’s work of enviable concreteness: 3,493 pages, five volumes, and 13.5 pounds, the world’s only translation of “everything,” as he puts it, in a huge and heterogeneous novel that has crucial importance in Chinese literary tradition. Roy was diagnosed with Lou Gehrig’s disease just as he was finishing volume five.
    Chin P’ing Mei is about the rise and fall of a corrupt merchant named Hsi-men Ch’ing and others in his wealthy household, including his six wives, of whom Golden Lotus is one. Most of the characters accept that deception, bribery, blackmail, profligacy, flamboyant sex, and even murder are normal in life, although it is clear from the narrator’s pervasive irony that the author disapproves of each. A Buddhist frame for the story warns of consequences for karma—the effect on a person’s destiny of bad and good deeds. Readers are invited also to see a political allegory on corruption at the imperial court. The story is set during the reign of Emperor Huizong of Song (1101–1126 CE), but the allegory points clearly to contemporary Ming rulers as well.
    The story sprawls. There are more than eight hundred named characters, from high officials and military commanders to peddlers and prostitutes, with actors, tailors, monks and nuns, fortunetellers, acrobats, and many others, even cats and dogs, in between. Roy helps us keep track of everyone in a fifty-six-page “cast of characters.” The narration is varied, too. In Spence’s words, it includes “pretty much every imaginable mood and genre—from sadism to tenderness, from light humor to philosophical musings, from acute social commentary to outrageous satire.” It is also full of puns and word games.5
    The author is unknown, and the question of who it might have been has generated extraordinary controversy, which remains unresolved. We do know it was a superbly erudite person because of the many insertions into the text of songs and set phrases drawn from the histories, drama, storytelling, and fiction available at that time. In the original woodblock printing of the text, characters follow one another, without punctuation, no matter their source. Modern printings provide punctuation, but Roy goes further by devising a system of indentation and differing type sizes to set off allusions, poems, and songs. With this editorial help, the translation is actually easier to read than the original.
    During the four hundred years since it appeared, Chin P’ing Mei has been known in China as an “obscene book.” Governments have banned it and parents have hidden it from children. One widespread anecdote—a false story, but a true indication of the book’s reputation—is that it originated as a murder weapon: the author applied poison to the corners of the pages and presented it to an enemy, knowing that his foe would need to wet his fingertips with saliva in order to keep turning the pages fast enough. The plan would not have worked, though, because the pornography is by no means so densely packed. Zhang Zhupo, the first significant critic of the novel, wrote in the late seventeenth century that “anyone who says that Chin P’ing Mei is an obscene book has probably only taken the trouble to read the obscene passages.”
    Westerners, too, have sometimes become fixated on the pornography, and translators have handled it in different ways. In one passage Golden Lotus, after exhausting Hsi-men Ch’ing’s male member during a ferocious sexual encounter, reapplies her silky fingers but cannot get it to stand up. Hsi-men, in character, says, in Roy’s translation, “It’s all your fault.” Lévy puts this as “C’est par ton initiative.” Egerton says, “Tua culpa est.” (Egerton puts all of the more pornographic passages into Latin, whether from prudery or to encourage British schoolboys in their studies, he does not say.) Kuhn and Miall omit the passage.
    Serious scholars agree that it makes no sense to reject the wide-ranging novel as pornography but do not agree about how well crafted it is. It contains odd turns of direction, abrupt shifts of mood, digressions that seem to lead nowhere, and discrepancies that result at least in part from the borrowing of much material from other sources. The controversial question is whether these are flaws or a different kind of careful writing. Is the novel a haphazard pile, casually assembled and often tedious to read?6 Or, as Roy holds, as does Andrew Plaks in a remarkably learned commentary,7 is it a “finely wrought structure” in which “every thread is carefully plotted in advance,” and which bears not only reading but careful rereading?
    Plaks shows that apparently whimsical insertions actually can have significant parts in foreshadowing events or offering ironic comment. A knowledgeable Ming reader will know, he writes, that a song’s reference to a faithless brother prefigures the way in which Hsi-men Ch’ing’s close friends will rob his widow blind right after his funeral. The huge novel also has an architecture that he and Roy explain. It consists of a hundred chapters, organized in ten groups of ten, called “decades.” Each decade introduces a theme, then has a “twist,” as Roy calls it, around the seventh chapter of the decade, and a culmination in the ninth. The first five decades of the novel show the rise of Hsi-men Ch’ing and the last five his decline. The first two put the main characters on stage, the middle six say what they do there, and the last two take them off. Plaks notes many finer-grained mirrorings as well. It is in chapter 18, for example, that Golden Lotus and her son-in-law lover (mentioned above) first meet, and in chapter 82, eighteen from the end, that they make love.
    link_2-042315.png
    ‘Ch’en Ching-chi [Golden Lotus’s son-in-law] Enjoys One Beauty and Makes Out with Two’; from The Plum in the Golden Vase
    It is hard to be sure that the author intended all of the finer patterns that these and other critics have identified. When an ocean of material is provided, there is plenty of room for readers to assemble their own patterns. Still, the evidence for Roy’s claim that Chin P’ing Mei is “the work of a single creative imagination” is very strong, not only because of structural features but because of the consistent moral point of view of the implied author.
    Irony pervades the narration. It comes in part from the device of the “simulated storyteller,” a voice that supplies the chapters with wry labels (“P’ing-an Absconds with Jewelry from the Pawnshop; Auntie Hsüeh Cleverly Proposes a Personal Appeal”) and opens each with the phrase “The story goes that…” The cumulative effect is something like “let’s watch, dear reader, as these clowns perform their next act.” There is entertainment in the watching, to be sure, but Roy and Plaks are clearly right to point to an underlying moral seriousness as well.
    The author is bemoaning a wholesale departure from the principles of Confucianism. The pleasures that the human beings in Chin P’ing Mei enjoy are primarily sensual—food, drink, and sex; social pleasures are superficial, driven by ostentation and hypocrisy. Power inherent in social position gets people what they want, and they don’t worry about any line between its proper and improper use; cleverness is important for its utility in manipulating one’s way to a goal. Whether it is reached by wit or by might, a victory speaks for itself. Wealth and status—up to and including the imperial court—are no cure for the moral rot the author evokes; they only make it worse.
    It is useful to reconsider the sex from this point of view. The author of Chin P’ing Meicondemns promiscuity not because it is an affront to the divine, as it would be in much of the Abrahamic tradition, but because it is a form of abandon or excess, more like gluttony. When the rich and powerful are greedy, picking up concubines the way wealthy Americans pick up vacation homes, they need criticism. Hsi-men Ch’ing says that his “Heaven-splashing wealth and distinction” qualify him even to rape goddesses if he likes. A good person, especially an official who has responsibilities in governance, should be spending his energies in better ways.
    Yet the assumption that wealth and power do entitle men to multiple sex partners has lasted throughout Chinese history. The earliest records show kings having several consorts; in late imperial times the keeping of concubines in wealthy households was common; and even today the pattern of successful businessmen keeping “second women”—or third, or fourth—is widespread. Modern taboos now prevent the ladies from living under the same roof, but the assumption that keeping several women is a perk of wealth and power is not much different from earlier times.
    If this seems discouraging, it should also be said for China that criticism of the practice, or at least of its excesses, has an equally long tradition. The earliest examples we have of pornography in China are descriptions of behavior in imperial harems. And on today’s Internet, where satire of the powerful is vigorous, sexual misbehavior is second only to illicit wealth as the favorite indictment. So Chin P’ing Mei is in good company. I’m not sure David Roy should feel happy or sad that the novel had something of a resurgence on the Internet in 2013, the year his volume five was published. In February Lian Qingchuan, a prominent journalist, wrote an article called “We Live Today in the World of Chin P’ing Mei.” A flurry of enthusiastic reader comments said things like “I’m glad somebody told me this book was written five hundred years ago! I never would have known!” Others commented that Hsi-men Ch’ing was a mere beginner in sexual aggression compared to his avatars today.
    In using the novel as a mirror for society, these Internet commentators recall another way that scholars have studied Chin P’ing Mei. Because the novel was the first in China to describe daily life, as opposed to legends or ideals, social historians have mined it for data. If you study commerce, for example, the sizes of bribes, alms, and gifts are there, as well as prices for rolls of silk, peeled chestnuts, goose gizzards, new beds, old buildings, and much more, as well as the costs of the services of storytellers, go-betweens, carpenters, singing girls, and others. In the 1970s, F.W. Mote, the eminent Ming historian at Princeton, although he judged Chin P’ing Mei “not a success” as a novel, taught a graduate seminar using it as a source for history. One problem with the approach was the distorting effect of the author’s satire. For example, Hsi-men Ch’ing bribes Grand Preceptor Cai Jing, arbiter of the dynasty, often and lavishly—once with a birthday present of two hundred taels of gold, eight gold goblets, twenty pairs of cups made of jade and rhinoceros horn, and more. But when Hsi-men dies and a protégé of the Grand Preceptor comes to offer respects, he brings only paltry gifts, including woolen socks and four dried fish. This is not realism, as C.T. Hsia points out, but satire to make a point.8 Mote, to avoid this kind of problem in his seminar, devised a “principle of inadvertency.” Whenever a detail mattered to the story line, or to the author’s evaluation of something, the students were to set it aside. But the thousands of details offered inadvertently were fair game.
    Whether Chin P’ing Mei is taken as broad social canvas, literary innovation, serious ethical criticism, or only spicy entertainment, a question that has haunted its study over the last hundred years is whether it is—indeed whether China has—a “great novel.” I think China would be better off if the question were not asked so much.
    In the early twentieth century, when memories of humiliating defeats by foreign powers had stimulated Chinese thinkers to go in search of the secrets of wealth and power, Liang Qichao, a leading reformer, wrote a powerful essay in which he argued that one reason Western countries are strong is that the thinking of their people is unified and vigorous, and a main reason their thinking has been vigorous is that they read vigorous fiction. So, he concluded, China needs good novels. Beginning in the late 1910s, Hu Shi, Lu Xun, and other May Fourth thinkers began looking back at China’s past to see if some good novels might already have been written. A canon was born, listed often asRomance of the Three KingdomsThe Water MarginJourney to the WestChin P’ing MeiThe Scholars, and Dream of the Red Chamber,9 and these writings were compared to major works of European fiction. In the latter twentieth century sympathetic Western Sinologists have supported China’s quest to rediscover its great novels.
    There has been progress in that direction. For Chin P’ing Mei, Roy and Plaks, and before them Patrick Hanan, have established the novel’s importance as an innovation. Its unity of conception and elaborate design epitomize “the Ming novel” and set an example for later long fiction in China, most importantly Dream of the Red Chamber. This kind of argument for Chin P’ing Mei resembles the way James Wood argues for Flaubert when he writes that “there really is a time before Flaubert and a time after him,” and “novelists should thank Flaubert the way poets thank spring.”10 The particular strengths that Wood finds in Flaubert are very different from those that Roy and Plaks find inChin P’ing Mei, but the argument about a historical watershed is similar—until, anyway, Roy and Plaks start acknowledging flaws in Chin P’ing Mei. Wood credits Flaubert with immaculate planning and selection of detail, done as if by an invisible hand; Roy and Plaks see something like that in Chin P’ing Mei, but also find “loose ends,” “glaring internal discrepancies,” and other infelicities.11 When Roy defends Chin P’ing Mei by calling it a “work in progress,” he recalls for me G.K. Chesterton’s insight that “if a thing is worth doing, it is worth doing badly.” The first airplane didn’t soar, either, but it’s very good that someone got a prototype off the ground.
    But why do I feel that China—and Sinologists—would be better off to relax about the idea that “we have great novels, too”? I feel this because I think that setting up literary civilizations as rivals (although I can understand the insecurities that led Liang Qichao and others to do it) only gets in the way of readers enjoying imaginative works. What does it matter if the author of Chin P’ing Mei might be less than Flaubert? Why should anyone have to feel defensive?
    Let me put it the other way around. Novels were not the primary language art in imperial China. Measured by volume, xi, translatable as “drama” or “opera,” would be in first place, and measured by beauty, calligraphy or poetry would be. Should we compare poetry across civilizations? If we do, classical Chinese poetry wins easily. The contest is almost unfair, because, as my students of Chinese language eventually come to see, the fundaments of language are different.
    Indo-European languages, with their requirements that tense, number, gender, and part of speech be specified, and with the mandatory word inflections that the specifications entail, and with the extra syllables that the inflections add, just can’t achieve the same purity—a sense of terseness and expanse at the same time—that tenseless, numberless, voiceless, uninflected, and uninflectible Chinese characters can achieve. In a contest, one person has a butterfly net and the other a window screen. Emily Dickinson might have come to be known as the greatest poet in world history if she had written in classical Chinese. Should Westerners feel defensive that this was not the case? Far better just to inherit what we all have done, and leave it there.
    1. 1
      The Golden Lotus: A Translation, from the Chinese Original, of the Novel Chin P’ing Mei (London: Routledge, 1939), Vol. 4, p. 129. 
    2. 2
      Chin P’ing Mei: The Adventurous History of Hsi Men and His Six Wives (London: John Lane/The Bodley Head, 1939), p. 638. 
    3. 3
      Fleur en Fiole d’Or, translated, edited, and annotated by André Lévy (Paris: Gallimard, 1985), Vol. 2, p. 891. 
    4. 4
      “ Remembrance of Ming’s Past,” The New York Review, June 23, 1994. 
    5. 5
      See a full exposition in Katherine Carlitz, The Rhetoric of Chin P’ing Mei (Indiana University Press, 1986). 
    6. 6
      The eminent critic C.T. Hsia, who died on December 29, 2013, wrote about Chin P’ing Mei ’s “obvious structural anarchy” in The Classic Chinese Novel (Columbia University Press, 1968), p. 180. 
    7. 7
      Andrew H. Plaks, The Four Masterworks of the Ming Novel (Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 132. 
    8. 8
      Hsia, The Classic Chinese Novelpp. 175–176. 
    9. 9
      I use C.T. Hsia’s choice of translation for the titles here, but there are several others. 
    10. 10
      James Wood, How Fiction Works (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008), p. 39. 
    11. 11
      Roy, The Plum in the Golden Vase Vol. 1, p. xx; cf. Plaks, The Four Masterworks, p. 70. 

    中國古代服飾辭典

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    孫晨陽,東華大學服裝學院教師。畢業於復旦大學中國古典文學專業(先秦兩漢方向)。
    目錄
    目錄
    孫晨陽,東華大學服裝學院教師。畢業於復旦大學中國古典文學專業(先秦兩漢方向)。
    目錄
    目錄
    凡例…………………………………………………………… 1
    正文…………………………………………………………… 1
      先秦時期的服飾…………………………………………… 110
      秦漢時期的服飾…………………………………………… 187
      魏晉南北朝時期的服飾…………………………………… 341
      隋唐五代時期的服飾……………………………………… 481
      宋遼金元時期的服飾…………………… ………………… 651
      明朝時期的服飾…………………………………………… 796
      清朝時期的服飾……………………………………… …… 897
    詞目筆劃索引………………………………………………… 989
      附錄……………………………………………………… 1023
    一、中國歷代帝王冕服種類及構成演變表………… 1023
    二、清代男式吉服袍制度表………………………… 1035
    三、清代補褂制度表……… ………………………… 1035
    四、清代男子吉服冠制度表………………………… 1036
    五、中外歷代服飾對覽圖例………………………… 1038

    《靜農論文集》《明清傳奇選注》

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    兩本聯經的書
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    出版日期:1989/1

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